Answer

Essay 1

1. Did the doctrine of Anglo-conformity constitute an abuse or confirmation of democracy in Canada? Consider, as part of your answer, the role of institutions like government, schools, or the church in enforcing this doctrine up to the mid-twentieth century.

The Anglo-Conformity and Democracy

Anglo-conformity is a principle which covered various viewpoints on immigration assimilation in Canada. The concept assumed that it was a universal desire that English institutions, the English language and English oriented culture should be maintained as among the Anglo-Americans  and Anglo-Saxon majority in Canada [1]. The idea was however not welcome universally; it met resistance from people who subscribed to “Nordic” and “Aryan” racial superiority together with the Nativists political programs and exclusionists immigration policies. This essay briefly discuss whether Anglo-conformity abused of confirmed democracy with regard involvement of the government, schools and churches in enforcement  the doctrine in the mid twentieth century. The paper first focuses on how the government, schools and religious organization were involved in enforcement of the doctrine and later delve on relationship between Anglo-conformity and democracy.

Anglo-conformity was a formula of assimilation and since its popularity took effects, it has been prevalent. It was primarily meant to kill the suspicion that some people were religiously, or nationalistically foreigners. It was particularly aimed at naturalizing immigrants from Eastern and Central Europe. To quickly implement Anglo-conformity, various strategies were used[2]. These strategies included legislation through the government, education, religion and socialization of the pupils and students into a common assimilation.

Schools played key roles in imposing Anglo-conformity on the immigrants and the minority groups. The schools taught subjects which promoted Anglo-conformity, such as provincial curricula. In addition the schools were mandated to socialize the young and inculcate the values of citizenship. The values were however not agreeable to all the cultures in Canada. Resistance emerged from dominant cultural group and ethnic, religious and linguistic cultures. Both elementary and secondary schools would mold children into Americans, or little Germans, and little Russians [3]. The school curricula did not give attention to diversity of the children; varied socio-economic, ethnic and racial backgrounds. It was the top priority of the schools to canadianize the immigrant children[4].

The Government

The government played central role including school and churches policies which would encourage canadianization of the immigrants.  Several immigration policies were passed to foster the spirit of Anglo-conformity. Prime Minister Mackenzie King strengthened the policies which ensured that only immigrants who could smoothly be integrated into Canada’s economy would be accepted into the country. Other policies also preferred immigrants from United States and Great Britain over immigrants from other places. The immigration policies promulgated by the government remained in force until the progressive conservative government of John Diefenbaker introduced a new “color-blind” in 1962[5].

The Church

Just like the schools, the churches played a role in assimilating the immigrants. The churches for example the United Church of Canada had the responsibility of teaching universal religious beliefs regardless of the religious diversity of the immigrants and the Aboriginals.  All the immigrants were expected to pay allegiance to the teachings and the doctrines of Catholic and the Anglican Churches.

Relationship of Anglo-Conformity to Democracy

Democracy is a form of government in which the people exercise the sovereign authority of government. It is characterized with effective participation of the people, equality in voting, people’s control of government agenda, inclusivity, protection of fundamental rights, freedom of expression, independent sources of information and free, fair elections. In light of this virtue of democracy, Anglo-conformity can only be understood as abuse of democracy. Even before the arrival of the British, Canada was inhabited by the Aboriginal, otherwise called the First Nations. It was a disregard of the Aboriginal people’s governance, religion, education and cultural values to force assimilation on them. In government decision, they were not consulted, and neither were the decisions made meant to protect the interest of all the Canadians. The minority groups were not respected, valued nor given their rights[6]. The federal government assumed responsibility for all legislations pertaining to Canada’s Aboriginal people. For instance, Section 91 of the British North America Act assigned to Ottawa jurisdiction over “Indians, and Lands reserved for the Indians.”

Enforcement of Anglo-conformity was not meant to take care of the interest of the minorities and the Aboriginals of Canada. The government however captured all authority so that policies, legislations, social institutions such as churches and schools were systems of Canadianization of the immigrants as well as the Aboriginals. It was therefore an abuse of democracy

References

1. Barber, Marilyn, Martin L. Kovacs, Neil McDonald, E. Brian Titley, Peter J. Miller, Timothy J. Stanley, and Patricia E. Roy. “Canadianization through the schools of the prairie provinces before World War I: The attitudes and aims of the English-speaking majority.” Ethnic Canadians: Culture and Education(1978): 281-294.
2. Anderson, James Thomas Milton. The education of the new-Canadian: A treatise on Canada’s greatest educational problem. JM Dent, 1918.
3. Kelley, Ninette, and Michael J. Trebilcock. The making of the mosaic: A history of Canadian immigration policy. University of Toronto Press, 1998.
4. Getty, Ian L. As Long as the Sun Shines and Water Flows: A Reader in Canadian Native Studies. Vol. 1. ubc Press, 1983.
5. R. Miller, “Owen Glendower, Hotspur, and Canadian Indian Policy,” in R. Douglas Francis and Donald B. Smith, eds., Readings in Canadian History: Post-Confederation, 5th ed. (Toronto: Harcourt, 1998), 140-162.

Essay 2

2)   Were the federal government’s concessions to women’s demands in the First World War and to labor’s demands in the Second World War indicators of the effectiveness of democratic dissent, or mere expediency in times of crisis?

To better understand the relationship between federal government’s concession to women’s demands and labor demands, it is essential to understand the history of women movement in Canada, around the first and second World Wars and post-World War era. The essay therefore briefly reviews the history of women movement during the World Wars as well as post Word War period with regards to the experience of women in light of effective democracy.

Women for a long time suffered marginalization. They could neither take higher education nor vote during elections. They had no right to sign contacts or initiate a divorce however they marriage were abusive, they had no right to any money they earned from their domestic labor. All public spheres of business, public life and politics were men’s domain.  Consequently women were marginalized to reproductive functions, nurturing of the family, and domestic servants[7]. Some few unmarried women worked as clerks, waitresses, teachers and nurses but were expected to leave forfeit their jobs upon marriage. It is on these grounds that pressure for reforms begun to build under the advocacy of Helen McClung. Women got engaged in reform movements to advocate for female equal voting rights through groups like Women’s Christians Temperance Union, Young Women’s Christian Association, and the National Council of Women. McClung spearheaded the end to tyranny against women through written and oral advocacy. She is hailed for being an active member of the Political Equality League. With her position she organized a mocks women’s parliament at Winnipeg’s Walker Theatre. They later used such influence to win provincial election in 1915 and since then, women were grated to vote as from 1916. By 1921, McClung became a member of Alberta’s Legislative Assembly after winning Edmonton seat. Through her efforts, she helped put pressure on Alberta government to enact prohibition in 1916. Her enthusiasm encouraged other four women namely, Emily Murphy, Irene Parlby, Henrietta Edwards together with whom they she worn a case upon an appealing to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in 1929 entitling women to work alongside men hence the concession[8].

Notably, the first Word War had also placed women on the forefront as workers in industries because men had to go to war. More than 1 million were hired into the new service auxiliaries. The Second World War even catapulted women further; they acquired skills and expertise which had been form long believed to be a men’s affair[9]. However, with the eminent manpower crisis, many women had to be procured to support the expansion of industries in Canada. Notably, negative attitude towards working wives, women in trousers were still prevalent after the wars .

Although the concession could be seen as the birth place of democracy, it still fell far below the dictates of democracy. The situation was a perfect propagation of passive democracy. Many instances of efforts were engineer to discourage women from paid labor. They were encouraged to leave employment and concentrate on child care provisions. As late as 1960s, equality was better said than done; very few women were in professions such as law and medicine and even for those who were in those professions, they were paid lesser[10]. Politics was still far dominated by men. On social issues, women still had no control of their reproductive lives. They were still paid lesser as compared to their male counterparts even far after World War II. Even those who worked in equal capacities like men were still discriminated In fact, no business was allowed to venture into birth control enterprise and therefore it was illegal produce, advertise and sell birth control information and therapies. Following the ineffectiveness of democracy, Women Groups continued to put pressures on the federal government to create Royal Commission on the Status of Women in 1967 to help with the persistent inequality. The commission recommended measures to terminate gender-based discrimination, marital discrimination of women, introduction of maternity benefits and action on child care initiatives. However, the implementation of the recommendation stalled. As late as the 1980s, women continued to face discrimination on employments and pay[11]. As noted by[12], the payment for women was 65% of their male counterparts in same job groups. Majority were to be found in low –paying service sector jobs, while at the same time often experiencing Gender-based violence like sexual harassment. By early 1990s, the wage gap narrowed but strict equality had not been achieved. Government initiatives such as social-pay cuts and pay equality programs still disadvantage women.

Generally, federal government’s the concession to women demands and labor demands was not by any way an indicator of effective democracy. Effective and active democracy would maximize protection of human rights regardless of their gender, race, religion or ethnicity. This was however not the case; Women in particular faced discrimination on employment, payment, reproductive life, alongside gender based violence characterized with sexual harassment. Although there were improvements, the system did not optimize what could be done to protect women equally as men. Effectiveness of democracy would see women given the same rights, privileges, opportunities and respects just as their male counterparts.

References

7. Keshen, Jeff. “Revisiting Canada’s civilian women during World War II.” Histoire sociale/Social History(1997).
8. Bryden et al., eds., Visions: The Canadian History Modules Project, Post-Confederation, 2nd edition (Toronto: Nelson, 2015), 99-117:
9. Ruth Roach Pierson, “They’re Still Women After All”: The Second World War and Canadian Womanhood (Toronto, 1986), 22, 13
10. Stephen, Jennifer. “Balancing Equality for the Post-War Woman: Demobilising Canada’s Women Workers After World War Two.” Atlantis 32:1 (2007). 122-131.

[1] Barber, Marilyn, Martin L. Kovacs, Neil McDonald, E. Brian Titley, Peter J. Miller, Timothy J. Stanley, and Patricia E. Roy. “Canadianization through the schools of the prairie provinces before World War I: The attitudes and aims of the English-speaking majority.” Ethnic Canadians: Culture and Education (1978): 281-294.

[2] Anderson, James Thomas Milton. The education of the new-Canadian: A treatise on Canada’s greatest educational problem. JM Dent, 1918.

[3] Getty, Ian L. As Long as the Sun Shines and Water Flows: A Reader in Canadian Native Studies. Vol. 1. ubc Press, 1983.

[4] Getty, Ian L. As Long as the Sun Shines and Water Flows: A Reader in Canadian Native Studies. Vol. 1. ubc Press, 1983.

[5] Anderson, James Thomas Milton

[6] Kelley, Ninette, and Michael J. Trebilcock. The making of the mosaic: A history of Canadian immigration policy. University of Toronto Press, 1998.

[7] Keshen, Jeff. “Revisiting Canada’s civilian women during World War II.” Histoire sociale/Social History (1997).

[8] Bryden et al., eds., Visions: The Canadian History Modules Project, Post-Confederation, 2nd edition (Toronto: Nelson, 2015), 99-117:

[9] Jeff Keshen, “Revisiting Canada’s Civilian Women During World War II,” in Valerie Strong-Boag, Mona Gleason, and Adele Perry, eds., Rethinking Canada: The Promise of Women’s History, 4th ed. (Toronto: OUP, 2002), 253.

[10] Ruth Roach Pierson, “They’re Still Women After All”: The Second World War and Canadian Womanhood (Toronto, 1986), 22, 13.

[11] Ruth Roach Pierson

[12] Stephen, Jennifer. “Balancing Equality for the Post-War Woman: Demobilising Canada’s Women Workers After World War Two.” Atlantis 32:1 (2007). 122-131.