Double burden for black women | academiascholars.com

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Double burden for black women

Here is my instruction , I would provide 3 different material/sources needed for this purpose. So for no 1 source should have a summary of the material, no 2 source should have a paraphrase of the material , no 3 source should have 3 different quotes
And each should be referenced below just as seen in the sample I sent

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The racial justice movement has made household names

of many Black men and boys who were victimized by the

system; however, it has been slow to include women and

girls who face equally horrible fates as a result of institutionalized

racism. Here are their stories.

B y JO S I E DUFFY

I l l u s t r a t i o n b y GSC

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Shortly aft er he was shot and

killed by a White police offi cer

in Ferguson, Mo., news of Mike

Brown’s death began to spread

across social media. Like others

who have become symbols of

racist law enforcement and state

violence—Eric Garner, Freddie

Gray and Tamir Rice—Brown

was Black, unarmed and killed

by someone whose job was to protect him. And also like

the aforementioned individuals, Brown was a male.

Last year, the Huffi ngton Post reported that “there are

more African American men incarcerated in the United

States than the total prison populations in India, Argentina,

Canada, Lebanon, Japan, Germany, Finland, Israel and

England combined.” According to the U.S. Department of

Education, 20 percent of Black boys are suspended from

school each year, more than any other demographic. Other

troubling statistics include unemployment, mental illness

and lack of access to health care, all contributing to a grim

portrait of life for far too many Black men and boys.

It seems, however, that similiar issues Black women and

girls face don’t get the same attention. Black girls are 12

times more likely than girls of other races to be suspended

from school; Black women are three times more likely than

White women to be incarcerated.

Black women and girls are also disproportionately subjected

to police violence, accounting for 20 percent of the

unarmed people killed by police since 1999, despite being

just 7 percent of the population. Among them: Aiyana Stanley-

Jones, a 7-year-old who was killed by Detroit police while

sleeping on her couch; Natasha McKenna, who was fully

restrained when she was stunned to death by a Taser in a

Virginia jail; Rekia Boyd, unarmed when she was shot and

killed in Chicago by an offi cer; and Bettie Jones, killed the

day aft er Christmas by an offi cer responding to a call in her

building, just to name a few.

Although the suspicious death of Sandra Bland, found

“Black women and girls

are disproportionately subject

to police violence, accounting

for 20 percent of

unarmed people killed by

police since 1999.”

RIP, REKIA

Demonstrator Donald Lightfoot

holds a photo of Rekia Boyd during

a Chicago protest.

nomic opportunity, health and violence.

Senior Adviser to the President

Valerie Jarrett stated during a press

call that helping women and girls is a

top priority of the Obama administration:

“We’ve made a lot of progress, and

continuing on that path means we need

to be more dedicated, more thoughtful

and more rigorous than ever.”

Despite increased public attention

being given to police violence, the

spotlight still shines dimly on crimes

committed by law enforcement that

overwhelmingly affect women. Sexual

misconduct is the second-most common

form of police crime, but rape and

other forms of sexual assault often receive

diminished media coverage.

One exception was the case of Daniel

Holtzclaw, an Oklahoma police officer

who was convicted of 18 counts

dead in a Texas jail cell last July after

an improper arrest by a state trooper,

would make national headlines, stories

involving Black women and police violence

rarely garner massive outcry. In

fact, Black women and girls who are

victimized in similar cases are virtually

missing from the mainstream media.

In 2014, the White House launched

the My Brother’s Keeper initiative,

formed to help boys and young men

of color. In response, there was an emphatic

call for a comparable effort for

Black girls and women, most notably

the African American Policy Forum’s

(AAPF) #WhyWeCan’tWait campaign.

Last November, the White House

Council on Women and Girls hosted

a forum called Advancing Equity for

Women and Girls of Color to discuss

issues such as school discipline, ecoof

sexual assault in 2015. He targeted

and preyed upon Black women, many

from low-income neighborhoods, while

he was on duty. He wept as the judge

sentenced him to 263 years in prison.

As the contemporary racial justice

movement continues to grow—largely

thanks to the efforts of Black women—

here are three organizations fighting to

improve the lives of our sisters:

Black Women’s

Blueprint

BASED I N BROOKLYN, N .Y. , Black

Women’s Blueprint (BWB) works nationally

to address sexual assault of

Black women of all ages, backgrounds,

sexualities and identities and to help

heal the trauma of survivors.

“We exist to foreground the notion

“For too long, we have had a trickle-down sense of racial

justice. We thought that if men and boys got theirs

first, we were downstream and could benefit from it.”

—Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw

RIP, AIYANA

Pallbears carry the

casket of 7-year-old

Aiyana Stanley-Jones,

shot and killed during a

Detroit 2010 police raid.

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that racial justice, civil rights and human

rights movements have to center

the lives and experiences of Black women

and girls,” says founder Farah Tanis.

In partnership with the Department

of Justice’s Office on Violence Against

Women, BWB provides technical assistance

to 100 Historically Black Colleges

and Universities to address sexual

assault and gender violence on their

campuses, via training and workshops.

There has been some pushback from

young men. “We say to them, ‘Your

rights as my brother matter to me 100

percent. If you are violated, I am violated

as your sister. And so it is the same

thing for me,’” says Tanis. “We talk

about racism; now, let’s talk about how

sexism works.’”

Long Way Home

AFTER SALAMISHAH TILLET,

associate professor of English and Africana

studies at the University of Pennsylvania,

came out as a rape survivor

in 1997, her sister Scheherazade began

photographing her to, as Tillet frames

it, “document my healing process.”

The photographs evolved into a

larger multimedia performance called

the Story of a Rape Survivor (SOARS),

performed by Black women, many of

whom were also survivors. SOARS became

the first project of A Long Walk

Home, a Chicago-based nonprofit cofounded

by the sisters in 2003. Girl/

Friends is the organization’s biggest initiative.

“Girls and young women, ages

16 to 24, are four times more likely than

any other segment to experience dating

and domestic violence and sexual assault,”

says Tillet.

Many of these young women live in

the North Lawndale neighborhood,

which has the third-highest rate of

gender-based violence in the city. Girl/

Friends works in partnership with the

public schools and the School of the

Art Institute of Chicago to provide after-

school and summer programming

for young women.

Last year, girls in the program led

a march in recognition of Black girls

and women who had been killed by the

police. The protest included a tribute

by Martinez Sutton, Boyd’s brother,

which was held in the park where she

was shot.

African-American

Policy Forum

FOR THREE DECADES, scholar

Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, a law

professor at Columbia University and

UCLA, has been leading the discussion

on racial and gender justice. She coined

the term “intersectionality” to identify

the ways that race, gender, sexuality

and identity work together, especially

as they relate to structural inequality.

Crenshaw is the executive director

of the African American Policy Forum

(AAPF), a think tank and public education

organization, housed at Columbia.

In 2015, the organization began

the #SayHerName campaign, calling

for increased media that focuses on the

harm Black women face at the hands

of law enforcement, including sexual

assault.

“There’s a general unwillingness to

talk about sexual violence, period. So

when it comes to thinking about police

brutality, excessive force, abuse of authority,

the presence of sexual violence

in that conversation is nonexistent,”

says Crenshaw. “But it’s an open secret

that this happens to the most vulnerable

women, who are disproportionately

Black, poor and often caught up in the

criminal justice system.”

As part of the campaign, AAPF released

a report last year on Black women

and police violence.

“For too long, we’ve had a trickledown

sense of racial justice. We thought

that if men and boys got theirs first,

we were downstream and could benefit

from it,” Crenshaw explains. “We

have to go deeper in our own practice

to challenge the silence and exclusion

of more than half of our population in

pursuit of racial justice. We can’t get

there together if half of us are told to

wait for the next train.”

THE VICTIMS

(Top to bottom) Natasha McKenna, Sandra

Bland (both of whom died in custody), Rekia

Boyd and Aiyana Stanley-Jones (killed accidentally

during a raid in Detroit) were at the

center of cases involving police.

copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder’s

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individual use.

Summary:

Time is a major factor in studying relationship due to the fact that it provides realism in relationship experiments. For modern day relationship; stability, understanding and behavior personal timing is very important. Long term and short term involvements in relationships relies heavily on timing considerations to determine the “trajectories” to be taken by the relationship. Face to face interactions greatly affect relationship interactions in a digital era marred with social media and online dating. Prolonged online contact without actual face to face meeting results in formation of idealized perceptions of romantic partners and eventual shattering of illusion once the partners engage in a physical meeting. Modern day relationships have no actual end but transition periods between relating partners. Thresholds exist in relationships upon which, if met, may result in termination of a relationship. “Trajectories” taken by relationships have dyadic features of how partners in a relationship evaluate each other over time. Relationship patterns and the simultaneous levels between partners is a key determinant factor of how long the relationship is bound to last. In conclusion, romantic processes can be examined without arriving at judgments on the type of relationship involved.

Source: Arriaga, Hunt, Agnew. “Integrating Time and Timing into Our Understanding of Close Relationships.” Psychological Inquiry 2019, Vol. 30, No. 1, 34-38

Paraphrase:

Idea 1: Hopelessly clinging on to a failed relationship. According to (Phillips, Pg 71), partners in a failed relationship especially in this digital age and era tend to remain attached despite having ended a relationship. Some partners retain false hope of recovering a failed relationship without directly communicating their thoughts to the other party. This illusion can prolong for a period of time while continuously taking its toll on the mental health of a person. In order to move on from a failed relationship, one is advised to completely cut off ties with the former partner for sanity of mind. (Lisa Phillips. Psychology Today. Ambiguity in a Relationship, Pg 71-72)

Idea 2: Rejection. Rejection of a partner has a psychological effect on either parties. Electronic rejection commonly known as ghosting is common in the current age where a partner cuts off all communication with the other person, the partner at the other end tends to feel disheartened and sorrowful for a while but on the long run get over it. Rejections can be painful to the mental health of an individual. A partner who uncertainly rejects the other constantly thinks about initiating contact with the partner in several indirect ways. (Lisa Phillips. Psychology Today. Rejection, 2019. Pg 72-73)

Idea 3: Break up. The thought of hurting a partner by breaking up with them is a scar that most people try to avoid without actually understanding that sometimes a break up may be the best thing for both partners who are already agonized by the relationship. (Lisa Phillips. Psychology Today. The Endless Break Up, 2019. Pg 75)

Quote:

“The low-key signs that a relationship has gotten real manifest when a partner is able to totally confide in the other, the presence of a partner is a motivation in every aspect of the other partner’s life, the relationship is based on truth devoid of lies, the relationship is known to associates and there are no efforts whatsoever to conceal the existence of a partner and finally the availability and easy access of a partner to the other. The signs that a relationship should be terminated include; infidelity by a partner, poor communication skills shown by a partner and the continuous effort by a partner to keep their relationship to themselves. If you happen to admire a person, direct communication and consideration of red flags are keys to deciding whether to develop a relationship with someone.”

(“5 Low-Key Signs Your Relationship Just Got Real.” Girls’ Life, vol. 27, no. 2, Oct. 2020, p. 50. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx? direct=true&AuthType=ip, shib&db=mih&AN=145919541&site=eds-live&scope=site.)

Works Cited

5 Low-Key Signs Your Relationship Just Got Real. Girls’ Life, vol. 27, no. 2, Oct. 2020, p. 50. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx? direct=true&AuthType=ip,shib&db=mih&AN=145919541&site=eds-live&scope=site.)

Arriaga, Ximena B, etal. “Integrating Time and Timing into Our Understanding of Close Relationships.” Psychological Inquiry 2019, Vol. 30, No. 1, 34-38.

EBSCOhost, doi:10.1080/1047840X.2019.1577073.

Phillips, Lisa A. Psychology Today. Endless Break Up. 2019. Sussex Publishers LLC, vol. 52, no. 3, May 2019, pp. 68–77. EBSCOhost.

Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority

Psychology

The Double Burden of Racial Discrimination in Daily-Life

Moments: Increases in Negative Emotions and Depletion

of Psychosocial Resources Among Emerging Adult

African Americans

Nataria T. Joseph, Laurel M. Peterson, Heather Gordon, and Thomas W. Kamarck

Online First Publication, April 9, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000337

CITATION

Joseph, N. T., Peterson, L. M., Gordon, H., & Kamarck, T. W. (2020, April 9). The Double Burden of

Racial Discrimination in Daily-Life Moments: Increases in Negative Emotions and Depletion of

Psychosocial Resources Among Emerging Adult African Americans. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic

Minority Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000337

The Double Burden of Racial Discrimination in Daily-Life Moments:

Increases in Negative Emotions and Depletion of Psychosocial Resources

Among Emerging Adult African Americans

Nataria T. Joseph

Pepperdine University

Laurel M. Peterson

Bryn Mawr College

Heather Gordon

Pepperdine University

Thomas W. Kamarck

University of Pittsburgh

Objective: Racial discrimination is a common experience for African Americans, but no research has

examined how discrimination reported in daily-life moments influences concurrent negative emotions and

psychosocial resources. Method: Emerging adult African Americans (N _ 54) reported hourly on momentary

racial discrimination, negative emotions, and psychosocial resources across two days. Results: Controlling for

past discrimination and trait emotion, momentary racial discrimination was associated with greater negative

emotions and lower psychosocial resources (ps _ .05). The relationship between momentary racial discrimination

and negative emotions was stronger among individuals residing in areas with fewer African Americans

(simple slope p _ .0001). The relationship between momentary racial discrimination and psychosocial

resources was stronger among individuals reporting greater past discrimination (simple slope p _ .0001).

Vicarious discrimination (exposure to discrimination experienced by another person) was associated with

higher negative emotions (p _ .01), but not with psychosocial resources. Conclusion: These results are the

first to demonstrate that personal and vicarious racial discrimination are associated with negative emotions and

lower coping resources in daily-life moments and that contextual factors modify these associations. Results

refine our understanding of the immediate sequelae of discrimination in daily life and point to possible targets

for ecological momentary interventions.

Public Significance Statement

Personal and vicarious exposure to discrimination are becoming more ubiquitous, but little is known about

how emerging adult (18–30 years old) African Americans feel when discrimination happens to them

during their daily lives. Across two days, instances of discrimination were common and were more likely

to occur at work. Personal and vicarious discrimination associated with both negative emotions and lower

coping resources in daily-life moments. Results suggest a double burden of discrimination when experienced

in the moment and provide insight into how discrimination may impact physical health and future

interventions to reduce the emotional impact of discrimination in the moment it occurs.

Keywords: discrimination, ecological momentary assessment, emerging adulthood, psychosocial

resources, negative affect

X Nataria T. Joseph, Department of Psychology, Pepperdine University;

X Laurel M. Peterson, Department of Psychology, Bryn Mawr

College; Heather Gordon, Department of Psychology, Pepperdine University;

Thomas W. Kamarck, Departments of Psychology and Psychiatry,

University of Pittsburgh.

Laurel M. Peterson and Nataria T. Joseph are co-first authors and

contributed equally in the primary authorship of this work.

This research was financially supported by the Center for Race and

Social Problems, School of Social Work, University of Pittsburgh pilot

grant program (co-principal investigators (PIs): Nataria T. Joseph and

Laurel M. Peterson) and the Clinical and Translational Science Institute at

the University of Pittsburgh via National Institutes of Health (Grant

UL1TR000005). Laurel M. Peterson and Nataria T. Joseph were supported

via the National Institutes of Health (Grant T32 HL007560). The data

collection was completed out of the Behavioral Medicine Research Group

laboratory at the University of Pittsburgh (PI: Thomas W. Kamarck).

University of Pittsburgh student research assistants on this project included:

Katherine Willie, Jhanelle DeLisser, Brianna Crayton, Levi

Markel, Mallory Hudson, and Rachael Schaper. Marta Chmielowicz (Bryn

Mawr College) assisted with analyzing and reporting eligibility statistics.

Yige Zhu (Bryn Mawr College) assisted with baseline data cleaning.

Xingyuan Li authored an SAS macro to assist with compiling the repeated

measures data. Julie McMillan authored the ecological momentary assessment

Android programming. The authors would also like to thank Michael

Tillotson, members of the Center for Race and Social Problems Health

Research Advisory Panel, Rebecca Thurston, and Karen Matthews for their

perspectives, mentorship, and feedback on this project.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Laurel M.

Peterson, Department of Psychology, Bryn Mawr College, 101 North

Merion Avenue, Bryn Mawr, PA 19010. E-mail: lmpeterson@brynmawr

.edu

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.

Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology

ISSN: 1099-9809 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000337

Racial discrimination is experienced disproportionately by African

Americans compared to other racial and ethnic groups in the

United States (Borrell et al., 2010). Greater experiences of interpersonal

discrimination and perceived unfair treatment in social

interactions due to one’s membership in a group (Brondolo, Blair,

& Kaur, 2018) can erode African Americans’ mental health

(Lewis, Cogburn, & Williams, 2015; Paradies et al., 2015; Pascoe

& Smart Richman, 2009). Longitudinally, exposure to racial discrimination

is related to negative mental health outcomes among

African American adults (Brown et al., 2000) and depressive

symptomology among African American males transitioning to

emerging adulthood (Assari, Moazen-Zadeh, Caldwell, & Zimmerman,

2017; Kogan, Yu, Allen, & Brody, 2015). Experiments

corroborate longitudinal findings, demonstrating acute negative

emotional outcomes among emerging adult African Americans

(Stock, Peterson, Molloy, & Lambert, 2017). Vicarious racial

discrimination, exposure to discrimination experienced by another

person, also influences health outcomes for individuals who share

the victim’s identity (e.g., Smart Richman & Jonassaint, 2008). In

the current sociopolitical climate, exposure to discrimination is

becoming more ubiquitous (e.g., news coverage, racism on social

networking sites), increasing the importance of examining effects

of both personal and vicarious discrimination (Williams & Medlock,

2017).

Discrimination presents unique challenges for African Americans

during emerging adulthood (defined as 18–30), a period of

life rich with identity development, exploration of social roles, and

transitions into greater autonomy (Arnett, 2000; Hope, Hoggard, &

Thomas, 2015). Racial discrimination may disrupt the very developmental

processes with which emerging adults are already grappling,

that is, discrimination may challenge positive self-schemas,

confidence in the worth of personal social groups in the overall

society, and a sense of autonomy or control over life (Harrell et al.,

2011). More research is needed to understand how racial discrimination

affects this critical period of development.

Much of the research on racial discrimination examines its

impact on negative emotional outcomes. The reserve capacity

model (RCM) suggests that coping demands of discrimination can

deplete psychosocial resources and that it is important to examine

depletion of psychological well-being alongside increases in negative

emotions (Broudy et al., 2007). Psychosocial resources include

positive beliefs, coping tendencies, abilities, healthy emotion

regulation, and positive interpersonal connections that allow individuals

to function in adaptive ways (Taylor, 2011). The relationships

between discrimination and psychosocial resources have

been explored in a variety of studies. For example, reviews of

longitudinal studies suggest that perceived racial discrimination

predicts declines in positive mental health (Paradies et al., 2015;

Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). Among African Americans,

greater racial discrimination is associated cross-sectionally with

lower levels of perceived mastery (Broman, Mavaddat, & Hsu,

2000), prospectively with lower racial self-esteem among adolescent

males transitioning to emerging adulthood (Kogan et al.,

2015), and with lower self-control among children transitioning to

adolescence (Gibbons et al., 2012). Acute experiences of racial

discrimination in the lab also deplete feelings of meaningful existence,

control (Stock et al., 2017), and positive emotions (Jones,

Lee, Gaskin, & Neblett, 2014) among African American emerging

adults.

Much of the racial discrimination literature examines individual

measures of psychosocial resources in isolation (e.g., mastery;

Broman et al., 2000). Research that examines the impact of discrimination

on collective psychosocial resources is needed given

that the RCM proposes that each psychosocial resource serves a

similar function in contributing to an overall “reserve” from which

individuals may pull from to maintain positive well-being, especially

in times of adversity (Gallo, Espinosa de los Monteros, &

Shivpuri, 2009). Work on the RCM suggests that depletion of

psychosocial resources is an important, but understudied, contributor

to health disparities (Gallo, 2009). Cultural factors such as

racial identity constitute an important dimension of psychosocial

resources that contribute to this mental reserve among marginalized

groups (Gallo, Penedo, Espinosa de los Monteros, & Arguelles,

2009).

Discrimination and Psychological Well-Being in

Daily Life

Together, lab and longitudinal research provide insight into the

relationship between racial discrimination and psychological wellbeing,

but these methodologies cannot capture how daily lived discrimination

impacts psychological well-being. Cross-sectional and

longitudinal research on racial discrimination and well-being typically

use timeframe referent scales that capture past discrimination (Lewis

et al., 2015). A review by Pascoe and Smart Richman (2009) found

that scales conditioned on recent discrimination associated more

strongly to negative mental health outcomes than lifetime discrimination

scales. However, racial discrimination is a common experience

for African Americans and may happen up to 14 times in 1 week

(Potter, Brondolo, & Smyth, 2019). Therefore, it is important to

expand methodologies beyond past discrimination scales to examine

how discrimination influences psychological well-being during a

timeframe more proximal to the experience.

Relationship Between Daily Discrimination and Daily

Psychological Well-Being

A handful of studies have investigated daily discrimination using a

daily diary approach, with participants reporting ongoing discriminatory

events using either an event-based or end-of-day format (i.e.,

participants are reporting experiences in-the-field outside the lab).

Research in this area demonstrates that effects of daily discrimination

occur as early as adolescence, with students reporting greater negative

feelings on days when they reported experiencing racial or ethnic

teasing in diverse (Douglass, Mirpuri, English, & Yip, 2016) and

Black (Seaton & Douglass, 2014) high school student samples. Research

on college and graduate students has uncovered similar effects.

African American students retrospectively reported higher feelings of

threat and lower feelings of comfort associated with discriminatory

experiences (Swim, Hyers, Cohen, Fitzgerald, & Bylsma, 2003).

Among African American doctoral students and graduates, a discriminatory

event (Burrow & Ong, 2010) and past racial discrimination

(Ong, Fuller-Rowell, & Burrow, 2009) independently associated with

daily negative emotion. While these findings suggest that daily discrimination

associates with daily negative emotion independent of

past discrimination, research has not examined the relationship between

daily discrimination and daily negative emotions while controlling

for both past racial discrimination and trait negative emotion.

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2 JOSEPH, PETERSON, GORDON, AND KAMARCK

Trait negative emotion involves an overall tendency to experience

various distressing emotions, including but not limited to anger,

anxiety, and sadness. Future research could contribute to this area by

examining whether the emotional pain of discrimination in daily-life

manifests separately from past discrimination and trait emotion.

While most research examining daily discrimination has been

conducted on student samples, a handful of studies have examined

community samples. Past racial discrimination associated with

greater daily negative emotions among older adult African Americans

(Taylor, Kamarck, & Shiffman, 2004) and Black and Latinx

adults (Broudy et al., 2007), but neither of these studies captured

discrimination experienced at the day level. In a sample of Hispanic

and/or Latinx adults, experiencing ethnic discrimination on

a particular day associated with an increase in the next day’s

depressive symptoms (Torres & Ong, 2010). For African American

emerging adults, racial discrimination is often experienced in

new societal contexts both in and out of college (Hope et al.,

2015). To enhance generalizability for this developmental period,

daily discrimination research should be expanded to include community

samples of African American emerging adults with more

diverse educational experiences.

While previous research has examined day-level associations

between discrimination and emotions, the lag time on reporting

these experiences has been unclear. Research on daily discrimination

has revealed that racial discrimination can occur once a week

or substantially more often, but the frequency of these occurrences

cannot be reliably specified without higher resolution methods for

reporting. Ecological momentary assessment, a method that involves

repeated psychosocial data collection over the course of the

day (rather than just once a day), could enhance our understanding

of how discrimination influences the daily lived well-being by

capturing reports in the environment in which events occur and by

reducing the time lag in these reports, thereby increasing our

ability to capture true variability across and within individuals

(Potter et al., 2019). Moreover, increased research is needed on the

multiple effects associated with momentary discrimination; almost

all daily discrimination studies focus solely on negative emotional

outcomes, and little research examines the influence of daily

discrimination on momentary perception of psychosocial resources.

Ecological momentary assessment could also provide

insight into how momentary reactions to discrimination unfold in

relation to background variables (e.g., trait emotion; Wilhelm,

Perrez, & Pawlik, 2012). This is especially important to examine,

given research on stereotypes demonstrating Whites’ overinterpretation

of African Americans’ anger (Hugenberg & Bodenhausen,

2003), which can lead to perceptions of African Americans as

oversensitive to individual discriminatory events.

Contextual Factors Influencing Daily Discrimination

Capturing discrimination in lived experience allows for a richer

understanding of how life context, such as past discrimination or the

racial density of neighborhoods, may moderate acute emotional responses

to discrimination. Over time, experiences of discrimination

may heighten the emotional intensity of future experiences of discrimination

(Brondolo et al., 2018; Williams & Mohammed, 2009).

Laboratory research indicates that past discrimination relates to stronger

negative reactions to acute experiences of discrimination (Stock et

al., 2017). In a daily diary study of discrimination among African

American doctoral students and graduates, the effects of past and

daily discrimination were additive and not multiplicative; both contributed

independently to daily negative emotion, but past discrimination

did not exacerbate the influence of daily discrimination (Ong et

al., 2009). Research is needed to bridge existing theoretical, laboratory,

and day-level research to examine whether past discrimination

exacerbates responses to momentary racial discrimination.

Neighborhood racial composition is also an important contextual

factor when considering daily lived experiences of racial

discrimination, as neighborhood characteristics influence racial

socialization among African American families (Caughy, Nettles,

O’Campo, & Lohrfink, 2006). For example, neighborhoods where

African American families are the minority may involve greater

“racialization” of these families and require greater vigilance in

daily interactions, affecting both experiences of and emotional

responses to racial discrimination. Research in a large sample of

Black women indicates that those living in neighborhoods with

higher Black representation report fewer experiences of racial

discrimination (Hunt, Wise, Jipguep, Cozier, & Rosenberg, 2007).

This may lead to improved well-being, as Black neighborhood

racial density at nonextreme levels serves as a protective factor for

Black mental health (Bécares, Nazroo, & Jackson, 2014). While

exclusionary residential segregation is a form of systemic disenfranchisement

against African Americans, African American representation

in neighborhoods may serve as a resource, helping

African Americans to feel a sense of inclusion that buffers against

the feelings of marginalization and distress that may come along

with acute, lived discrimination.

The Present Study

Research in community samples demonstrates that past discrimination

is associated with increased negative emotions during daily

life (Broudy et al., 2007; Taylor et al., 2004) and research on

African American student samples indicates that racial discrimination

relates to day-level negative emotion (Burrow & Ong, 2010;

Seaton & Douglass, 2014; Swim et al., 2003). Past discrimination

is related more strongly to negative mental health outcomes than

lifetime discrimination (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009), but

effects of past discrimination have not been analyzed alongside

daily lived momentary discrimination. Certain questions remain

unanswered. First, broader assessment of psychological well-being

is needed to better understand the acute effects of discriminatory

events on both negative emotional states and psychosocial resources.

Second, research is needed to investigate discrimination’s

emotional impact at a point more proximal to its occurrence, while

controlling for past discrimination and trait emotion. Third, momentary

discrimination should capture both personal and vicarious

discriminatory experiences. Fourth, research is needed to explore

the moderating influence of past discrimination and neighborhood

contexts on the association between momentary discrimination and

psychological well-being. Finally, it is important to explore the

experience of momentary discrimination among African American

emerging adults both in and out of college.

The present study sought to address these gaps by examining

momentary experiences of racial discrimination and momentary psychological

well-being in a community sample of African American

emerging adults. We tested the following three hypotheses:

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DOUBLE BURDEN OF MOMENTARY RACIAL DISCRIMINATION 3

Hypothesis 1: Momentary racial discrimination will associate

with higher momentary negative emotion.

Hypothesis 2: Momentary racial discrimination will associate

with lower momentary psychosocial resources.

Hypothesis 3: (Exploratory) Past racial discrimination and

neighborhood racial density will moderate these associations.

These associations will hold for both personal and vicarious

discrimination.

Method

Participants

Participants were 60 African American emerging adults recruited

from the Pittsburgh metropolitan area via convenience

sampling (e.g., online and public transportation advertisements,

university participant research registry). Interested individuals

were excluded if they (a) were outside the age range of 18–30, (b)

identified themselves or their biological parents as a race other

than solely Black/African American, (c) did not have regular

access to a telephone or computer experience, or (d) were nonnative

English speakers. Due to other study aims not relevant to the

present report, we also excluded individuals who (e) were pregnant

or attempting to conceive, (f) had abstained completely from any

substance use (alcohol, tobacco, or marijuana) within the past year,

(g) worked overnight shifts or reported a history of severe mental

disorders, or (h) had a history of or were medicated for cardiovascular

disease.

Among those who were eligible, 11 were unable to attend a

baseline appointment. The remaining 60 persons (41.7% of the 144

screened) participated in the study. The final analytic sample

included 54 participants because six participants only completed

between zero and two ecological momentary interviews. Participants

were, on average, 23 years old and the majority were female

(74%), never married (85.2%), and employed full or part time

(77.7%). Participants represented various levels of education

(21.6% were high school graduates or below, 60.8% had attended

and/or graduated college, and 18.5% had sought some graduate

education) and approximately half (53.7%) were enrolled in school

full or part time. More than half of participants (63.0%) lived in

neighborhoods where less than a third of the population was

African American.

The study was approved by the Institutional Review Board of

the University of Pittsburgh. All participants provided informed

consent and were paid up to $135 for their participation. All

participants completed the study between January and June of

2014.

Procedure

Participants completed a baseline, in-person research appointment,

two full days of in-the-field ecological momentary assessment, and a

final in-person appointment. At the baseline appointment, participants

first engaged in informed consent. Next, participants completed an

electronic questionnaire (MediaLab software, n.d.) assessing baseline

variables (e.g., demographics, past racial discrimination) and were

oriented to the ecological momentary assessment electronic diary

(Google Nexus S, Gingerbread Operating System).

Participants engaged in field practice for the rest of the day

following their baseline appointment. The morning after the baseline

appointment marked the beginning of the monitoring period,

with participants responding to the electronic diary for two full

days. The beginning-of-day and end-of-day interviews were completed

at participants’ natural times for awakening and falling

asleep. Participants self-initiated an electronic diary interview

upon awakening (beginning-of-day interview), were prompted to

complete hourly electronic diary interviews assessing momentary

constructs (e.g., momentary discrimination) throughout their day,

and self-initiated a final interview before going to sleep (end-ofday

interview).

Research assistants called participants to check in during their

first day of monitoring and remained on-call 24 hr a day to respond

to any issues. After 2 days of monitoring, participants returned

their equipment to the lab, completed a brief electronic questionnaire,

were debriefed and provided with monetary compensation.

Measures

Demographics. Participants reported their age, gender, and

years of education completed (0 _ 6th grade or lower to 12 _ 17

years or more, graduate school), which was recoded to three

values (high school graduate or below, some college or college

completion, and some graduate training or higher) to reflect

meaningful distinctions in educational status. Participants reported

their five-digit zip codes, which were matched with 2010 United

States Census Bureau data to assess neighborhood racial density

(United States Census Bureau, American Fact Finder, n.d.).

Past racial discrimination. Frequency of discrimination in

participants’ day-to-day lives was assessed with a 10-item version

of the Detroit Area Study Everyday Unfair Treatment Scale (Williams,

Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997). The phrase “because of

your race” was added to the beginning of each statement to

distinguish race attribution; for example, “Because of your race,

you are treated with less respect than other people.” The items

were scored along a 4-point scale (1 _ never, 2 _ rarely, 3 _

sometimes, 4 _ often). A factor analysis based on maximum

likelihood extraction demonstrated that the 10 items loaded together

onto one strong unidimensional factor (item loadings between

.48 and .88) and had high internal reliability (_ _ .90).

Items were averaged into a single past racial discrimination score,

with higher numbers indicating greater discrimination.

Trait negative emotion. A measure of trait negative emotion

was assessed with the Negative Affect subscale of the Positive and

Negative Affect Scale (Thompson, 2007). Participants reported

how strongly they had experienced 10 negative emotions in the

past week; “How strongly have you experienced this feeling in the

past week . . . Guilty [Afraid, Nervous, Disinterested, Upset,

Scared, Hostile, Irritable, Ashamed, Jittery]?” Participants responded

on a Likert-type scale from 1 (very slightly or not at all)

to 5 (extremely). A factor analysis based on maximum likelihood

extraction demonstrated that the 10 items loaded together onto one

strong unidimensional factor (item loadings between .45 and .82).

Responses to the 10 negative emotion items had high internal

reliability (_ _ .84) and item scores were averaged together, with

higher numbers indicative of greater negative trait emotion.

Trait positive emotion. A measure of trait positive emotion

was assessed with the Positive Affect subscale of the Positive and

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4 JOSEPH, PETERSON, GORDON, AND KAMARCK

Negative Affect Scale (Thompson, 2007). Participants reported

how strongly they had experienced 10 positive emotions in the past

week; “How strongly have you experienced this feeling in the past

week . . . Determined [Inspired, Strong, Interested, Excited, Enthusiastic,

Proud, Alert, Attentive, Active]?” Participants responded

on a Likert-type scale from 1 (very slightly or not at all)

to 5 (extremely). A factor analysis based on maximum likelihood

extraction demonstrated that the 10 items loaded together onto one

strong unidimensional factor (item loadings between .44 and .76).

Responses to the 10 positive emotion items had high internal

reliability (__.86) and items were averaged together, with higher

numbers indicative of greater positive trait emotion.

Momentary racial discrimination. A measure of momentary

unfair treatment was adapted from the Everyday Unfair Treatment

Scale (Williams et al., 1997). Participants were asked hourly to

report whether they had experienced discrimination since the last

time they reported on a monitoring session across 10 items, such

as, “Because of your race, you are treated with less respect than

other people” and “Because of your race, you are threatened or

harassed.” Informed by the Index of Race-Related Stress—Brief

Version (Utsey, 1999), we included two author-created items to

broadly capture momentary experiences of vicarious racial discrimination

in the overall assessment of momentary discrimination,

“Did you witness [hear about] someone treated unfairly

because he/she is Black?” Participants endorsed whether they had

each experience (0 _ No; 1 _ Yes), the 12 items were summed

within each moment (possible range 0–12), and, due to a positive

skew, were recoded to represent whether the participant had endorsed

no (0) or any (1) personal or vicarious racial discrimination

in the particular momentary assessment.

Momentary negative emotions. Participants were presented

with the following screen prompts capturing momentary negative

emotions, “How feeling? Upset [Hostile, Nervous, Afraid, Angry,

Lonely, Sad]?”, and responded by selecting a response option

(NO!, No, no, yes, Yes, YES!), which was converted to a 1–6

numeric scale, for example, a NO! response was a 1 and a YES!

response was a 6 (Kamarck et al., 1998). A factor analysis based

on maximum likelihood extraction demonstrated that the seven

items loaded together onto one strong unidimensional factor (item

loadings between .79 and .89). Responses to the seven negative

emotion items had high internal reliability across momentary assessments

(_ _ .94) and were averaged together, with higher

numbers indicative of greater momentary negative emotions. An

intraclass correlation (ICC) indicated that within-participant variation

accounted for approximately 40% of the total variance in

momentary negative emotions.

Momentary psychosocial resources. Replicating past adaptations

of psychosocial resource scales for an ecological momentary

assessment context, participants completed eight items assessing momentary

psychosocial resources (Lachman & Weaver, 1998; Sanchez

& Garcia, 2009). Items included momentary: control/autonomy (2

items, e.g., “Right now, I feel free to be who I am”), self-esteem (2

items, e.g., “Right now, I feel that I have a number of good qualities”),

connectedness (2 items, e.g., “Right now, I feel that people care about

me”), and racial identity (2 items adapted from the Private Regard

subscale of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity, e.g.,

“Right now, I am proud to be Black”; Sellers, Smith, Shelton, Rowley,

& Chavous, 1998).

Participants reported their responses on a scale (NO!, No, no,

yes, Yes, YES!) which was converted to a 1–6 numerical rating. A

factor analysis based on maximum likelihood extraction demonstrated

that the eight psychosocial resource items loaded together

onto one strong unidimensional factor (item loadings between .59

and .80), had high internal reliability across momentary assessments

(__.88), and were averaged together, with higher numbers

indicative of greater momentary psychosocial resources. An ICC

indicated that within-participant variation accounted for approximately

19% of the total variance in momentary psychosocial

resources.

Momentary work status. Within each momentary interview,

participants were asked to report whether they were currently at

work.

Statistical Analyses

Demographic variables (age, gender, education level) were assessed

for inclusion as covariates using multilevel linear regressions

(SPSS MIXED procedure). Demographic variables were not

associated with either momentary negative emotions or momentary

psychosocial resources (ps _ .30), and therefore, none were

included as covariates. Multilevel linear regressions (SPSS

MIXED procedure) were used for primary analyses. The covariance

structure was specified as autoregressive and the restricted

maximum likelihood method was used to ensure unbiased parameter

estimates. Past racial discrimination was included1 along with

trait negative and positive emotion as covariates in the momentary

negative emotions and psychosocial resources primary analyses,

respectively. Primary analyses were conducted to explore momentary

racial discrimination (any indication of personal or vicarious

discrimination) and were replicated to isolate personal discrimination

and vicarious discrimination. Additional exploratory analyses

were conducted to determine whether past racial discrimination

and neighborhood racial density moderated any relationships between

momentary racial discrimination and either momentary negative

emotions or momentary psychosocial resources.

Results

Mean scores for past racial discrimination were 25.28 (5.87 SD).

There were 1,637 valid moments of momentary data across the 54

participants in the analytic sample, that is, an average of approximately

30 moments per person (5 participants had less than 20

moments, with a minimum of reporting on 12 moments). On

average, participants were awake for approximately 16.44 hr each

day (median _ 17). Participants reported discriminatory events in

10.4% of assessed moments (i.e., 170 moments). Participants were

62% more likely to report racial discrimination while at work than

while not at work, _2(1, N _ 1,637) _ 8.20, p _ .01. The most

frequent form of discrimination that participants reported experiencing

was others behaving as though they were superior to them

1 We reexamined primary analyses controlling for different measures of

past discrimination (i.e., past year racism and lifetime racism according to

the Schedule of Racist Events; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Functional

results (i.e., significance and direction of primary hypothesized relationships)

were the same across all analyses when substituting either past year

racism or lifetime racism, so we report the results with the Detroit Area

Study Everyday Unfair Treatment Scale.

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DOUBLE BURDEN OF MOMENTARY RACIAL DISCRIMINATION 5

(5.8% of moments), vicarious discrimination, for example, hearing

about racial discrimination experienced by others (5.5% of moments),

and others behaving as though they were not intelligent

(5.2% of moments).

Momentary Negative Emotions

Controlling for past racial discrimination and trait negative

emotion, momentary racial discrimination was associated with

higher levels of momentary negative emotions, b _ 1.81, F(1,

1060) _ 16.70, p _ .0001. Past racial discrimination was not

associated with momentary negative emotions, F(1, 180) _ .48,

p _ .49, whereas trait negative emotion was associated with

greater momentary negative emotions, b _ .37, F(1, 175) _

48.38, p _ .0001. Replicating the analyses, both personal and

vicarious momentary discrimination were associated with

higher levels of momentary negative emotions, b _ 1.43, F(1,

939) _ 6.71, p _ .01 and b _ 2.18, F(1, 1207) _ 9.75, p _ .01,

respectively.

Controlling for trait negative emotion and main effects of primary

variables, the association between momentary racial discrimination

and momentary negative emotions was not moderated by

past racial discrimination, b _ .10 F(1, 1044) _ 2.47, p _ .12.

However, the association between momentary racial discrimination

and momentary negative emotions was moderated by neighborhood

racial density, F(1, 1078) _ 4.32, p _ .05, such that

momentary racial discrimination was associated with significantly

higher levels of momentary negative emotions among those residing

in areas with lower proportions of African Americans (_1 SD

below mean and at the mean; t(1,631) _ 4.44, p _ .0001 and

t(1,631) _ 4.43, p _ .0001, respectively) but not among those

residing in areas with high proportions of African Americans (_1

SD above mean; t(1,631) _ 1.77, p _ .08; Figure 1).

Momentary Psychosocial Resources

Controlling for past racial discrimination and trait positive emotion,

momentary racial discrimination was associated with lower

levels of momentary psychosocial resources, b _ _.59, F(1,

1041) _ 3.92, p _ .05. Past racial discrimination was not associated

with momentary psychosocial resources, F(1, 117) _ .94, p _

.33, whereas trait positive emotion was associated with greater

momentary psychosocial resources, b _ .49, F(1, 118) _ 64.39,

p _ .0001. Replicating the analyses, momentary personal discrimination

was associated with lower levels of momentary psychosocial

resources, b _ _.88, F(1, 993) _ 5.88, p _ .05 and

momentary vicarious discrimination was not, b _ .01, F(1,

1119) _ .00, p _ .99.

Controlling for trait positive emotion and main effects of primary

variables, the association between momentary racial discrimination

and momentary psychosocial resources was moderated by

past racial discrimination, F(1, 1038) _ 4.85, p _ .05, such that

momentary racial discrimination was associated with significantly

lower levels of momentary psychosocial resources among those

with higher levels of past racial discrimination (_1 SD above

mean and at the mean; t(1,632) _ _6.13, p _ .0001 and

t(1632) _ _3.24, p _ .001, respectively) but not among those

with lower levels of past racial discrimination (_1 SD below

mean; t(1,632) _ _.10, p _ .92; Figure 2). Neighborhood racial

density did not moderate the association between momentary

racial discrimination and momentary psychosocial resources, F(1,

1050) _ .01, p _ .91.2

Discussion

This study is among the first to use ecological momentary

assessment to demonstrate that the experience of racial discrimination

increases negative emotions and depletes psychosocial

resources in the moment discrimination occurs. This suggests

that racial discrimination can be doubly burdensome, both

through increases in negative emotions and reductions in psychosocial

resources known to aid in coping. Although daily

diary studies have suggested that discrimination is associated

with higher day-level psychological distress (Potter et al., 2019;

Seaton & Douglass, 2014), this study is one of the first to

explore: both factors on a momentary (rather than daily) basis,

depletion of psychosocial resources on a momentary basis, both

personal and vicarious discrimination, and the impact of neighborhood

racial density. Additionally, this is one of the first

studies to demonstrate that ecological momentary-assessed psychosocial

resources fluctuate within individuals (see also Sanchez

& Garcia, 2009). By demonstrating acute effects of each

personal and vicarious racial discrimination exposure using fine

resolution momentary assessments, the present study has both

conceptual and applied implications, including richer descriptions

of patterns of discrimination exposure among emerging

adults, more intricate understanding of the sequelae of racial

discrimination within the context of the RCM framework, and

support for exploring the usefulness of mobile-based ecological

momentary interventions (EMIs).

Conceptual Implications

These findings demonstrate subtleties that can enrich the

principles of the RCM and outline more comprehensively the

perceived racial discrimination experiences of emerging adults.

Our findings that psychosocial resources may fluctuate across

moments supports that reserve capacity is not a static phenomenon

and is impacted by race-based stressors. Vicarious discrimination

was only associated with individuals’ acute feelings

and not their psychosocial resources, which suggests that reserve

capacity is more powerfully impacted by stressors that

directly threaten one’s personal and social identity rather than

solely their social identity based on racial group membership.

It is noteworthy that having a history of exposure to racial

discrimination was not associated with momentary negative

emotions or psychosocial resources, whereas momentary exposure

to racial discrimination was. This finding affirms a previous

meta-analysis showing that recent discrimination may be

more impactful on psychological well-being than lifetime dis-

2 For primary analyses, gender, age, and education were not included as

covariates because they were not significantly associated with either momentary

negative emotions or momentary positive resources in preliminary

analyses. Given that gender, age, and education are often considered

standard controls, we reexamined the primary analyses including them as

controls. Functional results were the same across all analyses when including

age, gender, and education as controls and thus, results are reported

without these demographic variables.

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6 JOSEPH, PETERSON, GORDON, AND KAMARCK

crimination (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). Interestingly,

though, those with a more salient history of racial discrimination

experienced a larger stifling of psychosocial resources in

moments of exposure to racial discrimination. Although momentary

negative emotions were not significantly predicted by

this same interaction, the pattern of associations was the same,

that is, those with the highest background racial discrimination

and who experienced momentary discrimination had the highest

momentary negative emotions. The literature is mixed with

respect to whether there is an interaction between historical

exposures and acute exposures to discrimination in predicting

psychological well-being (Potter et al., 2019), with some studies

suggesting that acute exposures mediate rather than moderate

the association between background discrimination and

psychological well-being (Ong et al., 2009). The methodological

innovation of this study may have allowed more precise

illumination of this interaction pattern, as previous studies did

not examine the acute, momentary discrimination exposures

outside of the laboratory.

Placed in a developmental context, these findings demonstrate

that racial discrimination is salient among African American

emerging adults. Emerging adulthood is a period in which

individuals are still refining their self-concept and are transitioning

into more autonomy and new social roles (e.g., employment;

Arnett, 2000; Hope et al., 2015). It is noteworthy that the

current study demonstrated that, even among emerging adults,

racial discrimination is perceived more often at work than in

other settings. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first

study to demonstrate this pattern using momentary assessments

of racial discrimination. Studies suggest that workplace racial

discrimination is associated with lower job satisfaction and

commitment (Triana, del, Jayasinghe, & Pieper, 2015). The

current study did not assess occupation type, but it is conceivable

that those emerging adults working in specific types of

jobs might perceive more racial discrimination. Previous research

suggests that those in higher status occupations (e.g.,

professional careers or supervisory positions) tend to report

more workplace racial discrimination but less of other types of

racial discrimination (Brondolo et al., 2009). These questions

would be important to consider among African American

emerging adults.

The present study spanned 2 days of emerging adults’ lived

experience. Previous studies suggest that African American adult

research participants find multiple day ecological assessment periods

like ours acceptable and that repeated ecological momentary

assessment questions about a particular behavior do not necessarily

prime them to alter their behavior (K. K. Jones, Zenk, McDonald,

& Corte, 2016). In the current study, participants reported

exposure to racial discrimination during a small percentage of the

moments assessed. Given that previous work suggests that racial

and/or ethnic minorities may experience up to 14 exposures to

racial discrimination in a week (Potter et al., 2019), it is not likely

that repeatedly asking participants about racial discrimination significantly

and artificially inflated participants’ perceptions about

racial discrimination in the current study. Alternatively, it would

be interesting to examine whether repeated assessments of racial

discrimination prevent later recall problems or enhance accuracy

of racial discrimination recall.

Applied Implications

Research on community interventions demonstrates that racial

identity enhancement can buffer the effects of discrimination for

Black youth (for a critical review, see S. C. T. Jones & Neblett,

2016). Our finding that racial discrimination in the moment relates

to diminished psychosocial resources (including racial identity)

and that racial identity can fluctuate over the course of the day

suggests that it may be worthwhile to pursue research on interven-

Figure 1. Interaction between momentary racial discrimination and neighborhood racial density in association

with momentary negative emotions. Results from simple slopes analyses included.

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DOUBLE BURDEN OF MOMENTARY RACIAL DISCRIMINATION 7

tions to enhance momentary racial identity. Experimental research

has shown promise using brief racial-affirmation exercises to buffer

the impact of acute discrimination on anger (Stock et al., 2018)

and exploring whether racial affirmation could be applied in vivo

is an area for future work. These exercises and others like them

could be incorporated into EMIs, an intervention methodology

effective at changing psychological states (Heron & Smyth, 2010).

Limitations

This study is not without limitations. First, given that the sample

was a small convenience sample, we cannot assume that these

results would generalize to other samples. Although the sample has

greater educational diversity than other samples in this literature

that have been collected within this age group, the sample is still

rather highly educated (79.3% of participants reported having

education after high school compared to approximately 54.1% of

Blacks and African Americans nationally; United States Census

Bureau, 2017). The sample was predominantly female, so we did

not have the power to examine potential gender differences in our

findings. Further, because we focused on African Americans and

racial discrimination, we cannot assume that these results generalize

to other groups and other types of discrimination.

On a separate note, discrimination was assessed by self-report

which has the possibility of reporting bias, but multiple research

designs corroborate the influence of discrimination assessed using

methods beyond the participant’s reports. For example, experimental

paradigms of acute social exclusion by White peers (Stock

et al., 2017) and county-level indicators of White-reported explicit

discrimination (Leitner, Hehman, Ayduk, & Mendoza-Denton,

2016) both associate with negative outcomes for African Americans.

Although the current findings are cross-sectional during

specified moments and cannot specify causality, our statistical

controls for trait emotion and background discrimination helped

address the possibility of reverse causality. Additionally, longitudinal

studies do not typically find that negative psychological

states predict later reports of racial discrimination (Brown et al.,

2000). Nevertheless, we cannot entirely rule out reverse causality.

Reliability could have been further strengthened by using a

more rigorous ecological momentary assessment design: that is,

sampling 4 or 5 days rather than 2 days or randomly sampling

times of the day rather than sampling fixed hourly moments.

Additionally, although hourly assessments provide finer resolution

than daily assessments, they were still not conducted

exactly at the moment of discriminatory experience. Hourly

assessments strike a balance between reducing recall errors

while not overly burdening participants. Finally, although the

influence of neighborhood residence was illuminating, the measure

captured racial density as a background environmental

factor, rather than as a momentary ecological effect, as we did

not track participants’ geographical location during the field

phase of the study. Future research could explore the question

of how daily experienced neighborhood integration influences

momentary discrimination using emerging methodologies in

geographic ecological momentary assessment, a method that

Figure 2. Interaction between past and momentary racial discrimination in association with momentary

psychosocial resources. Results from simple slopes analyses included.

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8 JOSEPH, PETERSON, GORDON, AND KAMARCK

embeds global positioning software tagging participants’ objective

geography as they respond to electronic diary questionnaires

(Mennis, Mason, & Ambrus, 2018).

Future Directions

Despite limitations, the current study contributes methodological

and conceptual advances to the body of literature

examining the impacts of discrimination on the well-being of

emerging adults. It builds on the longitudinal, cross-sectional,

and laboratory studies that have examined the association between

discriminatory experiences, negative emotions, and individual

psychosocial resources by examining these associations

using momentary assessment and demonstrating that an individual’s

overall reserve of psychosocial resources is also influenced

by these experiences. Future research could expand this

investigation to physiological health outcomes, and studies in

this series will explore the impact of momentary discrimination

exposures on daily cortisol patterns, ambulatory blood pressure,

and objective markers of sleep. This is a particularly important

future direction because negative emotion and depletions in

psychosocial resources may mediate the associations between

racial discrimination and biomarkers like cortisol (Lee et al.,

2018; Peterson, Stock, Monroe, Molloy-Paolillo, & Lambert,

2020). More work is needed to solidify the connections between

momentary exposures to racial discrimination, concomitant

negative emotion, psychosocial resource depletion in daily life,

and acute physiological reactivity.

Future studies should continue to examine contextual effects

and their mechanisms. Are certain neighborhood compositions

associated with more cohesiveness, racial socialization, or access

to social support resources that aid residents in coping with

discrimination exposures? Further, research has demonstrated

that cross-race interactions, without racial discrimination even

occurring, are associated with less positive emotions (but not

more negative emotions) and feeling less understood than samerace

interactions (Mallett, Akimoto, & Oishi, 2016). Neighborhood

context, as well as workplace racial integration, may

shape the frequency of cross-race and same-race interactions.

Future studies could also expand on the present research by

exploring momentary coping strategies. Individuals vary in how

they cope with racial discrimination (Potter et al., 2019) and

using active coping strategies rather than rumination buffers

individuals from psychological sequelae of discrimination exposure

(Borders & Liang, 2011; Polanco-Roman, Danies, &

Anglin, 2016; Sanchez, Himmelstein, Young, Albuja, & Garcia,

2016). For example, confronting racial discrimination helps an

individual retain a sense of autonomy (which we conceptualize

as a psychosocial resource) and ultimately, better psychological

well-being (Sanchez et al., 2016). Future research on momentary

coping strategies could also inform EMI interventions.

Conclusion

The current study provides methodological and conceptual contribution

as researchers across disciplines seek to better understand

the complex biopsychosocial mechanisms connecting exposure to

discrimination and well-being. Importantly, our results demonstrate

a double burden of racial discrimination experienced in the

moment. While the responsibility for dismantling discrimination

rests on the perpetrators, understanding the nuance of discrimination’s

impact on African American emerging adults will provide

useful insight for interventions to modify these effects, broadening

and building essential opportunities for resiliency among African

Americans emerging into adulthood.

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DOUBLE BURDEN OF MOMENTARY RACIAL DISCRIMINATION 11

Subject	Racism	Pages	30	Style	APA

Answer

Double burden for black women

Summary:

There has been a sympathetic portrayal of the lives of black women as there have existed several accounts of racism and racial discrimination resistance. Black women have been left to the margins, becoming invisible to policymakers and stereotyped where they become a focus. The article Double Burden seeks to dismiss the claims of the pathological and stigmatized representation of black womanhood. The article uses data from interviews and focuses groups on bringing out a clear picture of the everyday racism faced by African American women and their resilience in establishing families within such hostile environments.

The book further explores the experiences of black women in workplace relations. Workplace relations with black women focus on supervising white employees as they do not acknowledge black women’s knowledge. The Eurocentric beauty standards and media representation on black women’s self-esteem are also focused on. Double Burden seeks to move beyond the victimology of antiblack racism and illuminate African American women’s urgency as they seek their survival and their children. The book further tries to educate whites about black women’s continued struggles with historical legacies and contemporary racism practices. Therefore, the book provides a strong argument on the relationship between race and gender.

Paraphrase:

African American population in the United States experience a disproportionate level compared to other racial and ethnic groups. The rate at which the African American population is exposed to discrimination has a higher chance of resulting in erosion of their mental health. According to laboratory reports and research reports, there is a relationship between racial discrimination and the African American population’s psychological wellbeing in the United States. According to Joseph et al. (2020), a conditioned scale on recent discrimination shows a strong association of discrimination to negative psychological wellbeing.

The effects of daily discrimination can be seen early, most probably during the adolescent stage. Recent studies have shown that African American students report high feelings of being threatened and a soft feeling of comfort and discriminatory experience. African Americans who are faced with discrimination are likely to heighten their emotional intensity of any discrimination in the future. Joseph et al. (2020) state that previous discrimination experiences are likely to agitate a strong negative reaction, hence acute discrimination experiences. The study shows that racial discrimination can result to an increase in negative emotions hence reduced psychosocial ability of a person.

Quote:

“Black women and girls are 12 times more likely than girls of other race to be suspended from school; black women are three times more likely than white women to be incarcerated. Black women and girls are also disproportionately subjected to police violence, accounting for 20 percent of the unarmed people killed by police despite being just 7 percent of the population” (Duffy, 2016 p.103). “stories involving black women and girls who are victimized in similar cases are virtually missing from the mainstream media… girls and young women, ages 16 to 24, are four times more likely than any other segment to experience dating and domestic violence and sexual assault” (105). “there’s general unwillingness to talk about sexual violence… when it comes to police brutality, excessive force, abuse of authority, the presence of sexual violence in that conversation is nonexistent… it’s an open secret that this happens to the most vulnerable women, who are disproportionately Black, poor and often caught up in the criminal justice system.”

This question has been answered

References

victimized by thesystem; however, it has been slow to include women and girls who face equally horrible fates as a result of institu-tionalized racism. Here are their stories.

Joseph, N. T., Peterson, L. M., Gordon, H., & Kamarck, T. W. (2020, April 9). The Double Burden of Racial Discrimination in Daily-Life Moments: Increases in Negative Emotions and Depletion of Psychosocial Resources Among Emerging Adult African Americans. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. Advance online publication. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000337.

Yanick St. Jean and Joe R. Feagin. Double Burden (1998). Black Women and Everyday Racism.

Armonk, N.Y., and London: M. E. Sharpe, (ISBN 1-56324-944-8).

Answer

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