A HISTORICAL EXPOSITION OF DESEGREGATION IN NORFOLK SCHOOLS

Answer

Introduction

There are diverse historiographical evidence justifying the struggle among the black students to be integrated into the all-white public middle schools and high schools. The most affected region was Norfolk in Virginia. There are myriads of historical archives such lib.odu.edu that provide digital history resources as well as multiple perspectives on the history of integration in this region. Some of the memorable events across these sources show that Norfolk, Virginia is only but a microcosm of the intensity of social tensions experienced in the South. The events occurred between 1954 and 1959^[1]. Whereas the blacks fought for integration, the white Norfolkians were against desegregation thus, they made every effort to frustrate the process. This includes the role Brown played in closing schools and supporting biased policy changes to favor the whites. Guided by this narrative, this research proposal paper drafts the history of desegregation in Norfolk Schools. The proposal argues that lack of political goodwill undermined the realization of desegregation agenda in the 1950s, ultimately leading to failed integration. This thesis statement differs with some historians who note that the integration of public schools in Norfolk was successful. However, this research proposal shares the view that the integration process failed in the 1950s because the federal government was anti-desegregation, which led to intensive emotional abuse, and violence against African-American students.

History of Desegregation in Norfolk Schools

Documented evidence shows that segregation practices begun in 1850 when Norfolk police closed down Douglass School, jailed, and fined Margaret Douglass for defending the empowerment of slaves. She was punished for violating the 1847 Virginia Criminal Code, banning any assembly with slaves. In 1911, Norfolk annexed the Barboursville School which was renamed to West High School^[2]. The school was specifically designed for the African American students and lacked any indoor plumbing until 1930s. On the contrary, the government was setting up the Maury High School in Norfolk which was to be a white-only school. The school was meticulously finished with marble tiles, and had various amenities to ease student life. This included in-door bathrooms, libraries, cafeteria, and an auditorium. The schools secluded for African American learners continued to become overcrowded. Historiographical evidence justifies that by 1917, most schools designated for the black students were overcrowded and their facilities overstretched to capacity, namely the West High School. In response, the government converted the Old Norfolk Mission College into a public school for the black students known as the Booker T Washington High School. Between 1920 and 1930s, urbanization prompted the resettlement of white families to affluent white-only suburbs^[3]. The all-white schools were handed down to the blacks. The creation of white suburbs led to concentration of blacks in the Norfolk slums which rapidly became the worst settlement in the USA.

In 1951, the Norfolk Redevelopment and Housing Authority devised a strategy for clearing the slums and building public housing and roads that could barricade the African Americans in the region and subject them to geographical concentration in an area with poor infrastructure and poverty. The continued segregation prompted a 16 year old student to lead other students into a month long strike against the poor condition of Moton High School where more than 450 students had been enrolled in a school meant for 180 students^[4]. The case was taken up by NAACP which filed a law suit on behalf of John. The lawsuit, Dorothy E. Davis et al v. County School Board of Price Edward County, Virginia forms one of the cases that were combined to form the Brown v. Board of Education lawsuit.

The conflict surrounding segregation in Norfolk school was exacerbated after the Supreme Court declared school segregation illegal in 1954. The ruling in Brow v. Board of Education overturned the previous ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson^[5]. The ruling stirred a massive resistance from most of the whites. Governor Thomas Stanley of Virginia convened an all-white commission, known as the Gray Commission, to introduce plans to defend the whites against the proposed school integration. The commission advocated for massive resistance which stalled school integration. According to pamphlets retrieved from the Old Dominion University Archives, there emerged a group known as defenders^[6]. This was a local group that opposed school desegregation. They issued recommendations for policy change to the state lawmakers on how best to achieve school integration in Norfolk. In 1955, the Gray Commission presented their findings to Governor Stanley, detailing Virginia’s plan for massive resistance against integration. The findings emphasized that the schools had to remain segregated. As a result, Senator Harry Byrd called for a state-wide referendum seeking to amend the constitution of Virginia.

According to George, the commission made four proposals^[7]. First, the Virginia School Board was required to change the curriculum and pupil assignment plan to promote school segregation. Secondly, the new laws challenged the Virginia compulsory attendance law.  For instance, the proposed law noted that it was wrong to force students to join or attend desegregated and integrated schools. The third recommendation was that the state either closes or de-funds public schools that encouraged integration. Fourth, the commission proposed that the Virginia School Board assigns state funds to finance the transition of white children to join private schools^[8]. The last recommendation on provision of tuition grants to a privileged group of white students mandated that Virginia holds a state-wide referendum intended to amend and include the provision in the constitution. Section 141 of the original constitution prevented the state from using public funds to finance private schools.

A referendum was then scheduled for 9^th January, 1956. The campaigns leading to the referendum pitted groups in support and those opposed to segregation. One group sought to uphold Brown v Board ruling while the other was determined to repeal it and maintain the status quo^[9]. The referendum received massive backing leading to a 4:1 win, thus endorsing the use of state grants to finance white students to join private schools. Senator Harry Byrd continued pushing for resistance against desegregation of schools. He introduced the Southern Manifesto in March, 1956 and sought the backing of the congress, representatives and other senators. A key section of the manifesto declared that the Supreme Court ruling constituted an abuse of power. Governor Stanley announced the massive resistance plan where he positioned himself as the leader of the anti-desegregation movement which was later known as the Stanley Plan. Under this plan, he proclaimed his power to shut down any school that was ordered to desegregate. He further noted that he would cut public funding of desegregated schools^[10]. The newspaper expressed shock regarding the governor’s insistence on segregation. Their expression supported the thesis that the lack of political goodwill from the political class led to failed attempts at integrating public schools.

The archives justify that the Norfolk government introduced the grand Pupil Placement Plan in 1957. According to this plan, few eligible black students were allowed to apply for placement into white-only schools. This move was devised by the local government as part of the Massive Resistance Campaign^[11]. Its main intention was to hoodwink the black community into believing that their fight for desegregation had been accommodated by the government. The placement plan was aimed at promoting bias as only few black students would be accommodated in the white only schools through an exchange program that favored the whites. In the light of these changes, Leola Beckett, NAACP and 65 students filed a lawsuit against the school board. They cited instances where the board had rejected transfer requests from the Black students because of their race. The loopholes in the Pupils Placement Plan were exposed by Judge Walter Hoffman who demanded that the plan was is repealed since it was an illegality. He further ordered that all the black students be given the right to admission into white schools by August, 1957^[12].

The struggle against segregation polarized national politics. For instance, J. Lindsay Almond, a former Attorney General of Virginia, ran a pro-segregation campaign^[13]. He promised the electorates that when elected, he would continue to keep the schools segregated. The governor worked alongside the Norfolk Schools Board to come up with canny ways to promote the segregation agenda. An excerpt from the Old Dominion Archives notes that the decision by the Norfolk School’s Board to introduce an improved Pupil Placement Plan was deliberately designed to stall the initiatives in favor of school desegregation^[14]. The board provided a ten-point criteria which was to be followed by the black students for them to qualify for a transfer to the white schools. The board noted that this criterion would ensure that only the socially adaptable and morally fit black students could be accepted into the all-white schools. By August 1958, more than 151 black students had tendered their applications for transfer to the white schools^[15]. Sixty-three of the applicants were taken through a series of physical and mental aptitude tests to determining their adaptability and fitness to join the white schools.

In an unexpected unfolding, the Norfolk City Schools Board declined all of the 151 applications. The board blamed the students for failing to adhere to the conditions outlined in the Norfolk Pupil Placement Plan^[16]. The board further noted that admitting black students in white schools could pose administrative problems and disruption in the educational programs since the other students would potentially isolate them. In August 1958, Judge Hoffman decreed that the schools board reviews the applications. The board begrudgingly admitted 17 black students to all-white schools in the 1958-1959 academic year^[17]. These students have since been described as the ‘Norfolk 17’. Using the Stanley Plan, Governor Almond ordered that the six desegregated schools be shut down citing that the move was to protect all the children.  Another city-wide referendum was held in November, 1958 to determine if the desegregated schools should be reopened or remain closed. Majority of the whites voted in solidarity supporting Governor Almond while the blacks vouched for reopening of schools. In January, 1959 the massive resistance law was declared illegal by the courts^[18]. Two lawsuits were filed declaring that the plan to close schools was illegal. In an interesting twist, Governor Almond conceded the end of the Massive Resistance and informed the legislature in Virginia that no student deserved to be denied placement at any school because of their racial differences. In 1959, the six schools were reopened.

Justification Why Integration Failed

The primary reason for failed integration of African-American students into the mainstream all-white schools was the lack of political goodwill^[19]. This assertion is noted in the way the Brown v Board of Education ruling was received and handled by the political class in the state of Virginia^[20]. The decision which declared that separating public schools for white and black students was unconstitutional prompted the state government to introduce counter measures which extended the period of segregation until later years of the 1950s when desegregation became admissible. Even at this point, the state did not accent to full desegregation but instead, opted for busing where the black students continued to live in slums and dilapidated conditions while their white counterparts lived in suburban residences with decent infrastructure and social amenities^[21]. These differences in access to social amenities promoted the notion that the white students and the white race in general were superior to the black students and African American race. In the long run, it is notable that the lack of political goodwill promoted both structural and social segregation, which hampered the realization of equity in the educational sector in the state of Virginia.

                An account of the history of desegregation in Norfolk shows that NAACP and the judiciary played a vital role in promoting desegregation of the educational system. Wilcox et al. explain that the NAACP fought quietly and tirelessly while supporting the movements led by black students, their parents, and other interest groups in campaigning against school segregation^[22]. Their efforts paid off in part when Norfolk accepted the introduction of an intra-district busing program. The program was enacted in 1972. Yet because of the lack of consistent support from the political class, the state quickly returned to school segregation, also known as re-segregation^[23]. These accounts of historical events justify that segregation in public schools in Norfolk did not end even after the Brown decision. Because of the bad faith by the politicians, segregation practices continued quietly for a prolonged period. As a result, the state failed to create and promote equal educational opportunities for the African American race.

Some commentators argue that instead of solely putting the blame for the failed desegregation on the political class, it is prudent to blame the conflict of interest shown by the different interest groups. Vaughn explains that the majority race in Virginia, predominantly constituted of the whites, fought strongly against desegregation, believing that the black students would compete aggressively against their white children^[24]. Milligan adds that the strong opposition to integration of the educational system to accord the black students equal opportunities was motivated by the historical injustices committed against the African Americans^[25]. This included the fear that the blacks could become empowered and revolt against the historical malpractices done against their race. This included the fear that educating the blacks in equal environment as the whites would threaten the white students in the event that the former decided to revolt or revenge^[26]. To protect the white students, the schools had to promote racial segregation through separation of schools and the educational system.

The use of unequal public schools constituted the most favorable strategy to sidelining the black learners. This explanation justifies why the black students were subjected to unfurnished and dilapidated schools initially abandoned by the white students^[27]. The conditions in these schools were worsened by overcrowding where in one instance, a school meant for 180 students accommodated more than 340 students. McKenzie adds that the decision by the political class to support the segregation was therefore a move intended to show solidarity with the majority of the electorates and not merely a lack of goodwill from the political class^[28]. For this reason, Thomas Stanley, the governor of Virginia declared his steadfast support for segregated schools noting that he would use any legal means at his disposal to fight desegregation agendas^[29]. He introduced and supported the Massive Resistance plan against the Supreme Court’s decision as a strategic plan to supporting the whites and their agenda against segregation.

Saporito and David add that even when the legislators and the political class wanted to support desegregation, the majority of the citizens composed of the whites were in favor of anti-desegregation candidates^[30]. This is the reason why Governor Almond easily clinched the gubernatorial seat by staging a pro-segregation campaign in 1957. Senator Byrd equally showed solidarity with the majority white voters when he supported segregation of public schools and further supported a repeal of Section 141 of the constitution, thus allowing state-wide issuance of financial grants to white students wanting to attend private schools^[31]. In spite of the strong resistance from the whites, the African Americans continued to actively advocate for desegregation of public schools in Norfolk until segregation diminished in 1970s only to make a comeback in the 1980s.

Conclusion

This research proposal details the history of desegregation in public schools in Norfolk. It gives a detailed historical account and timeline of events since the 1853 when Margaret Douglass was arrested, jailed, and fined for educating 25 black children. A series of events led to the segregation of schools and the subsequent onset of desegregation campaigns mostly led by the African Americans with the goodwill of the judiciary and NAACP. Activism activities were also led by students such as Barbara Johns who led other students in resisting segregation in public schools. In spite of their efforts, the segregation agenda continued to be supported by the political class. Interestingly, even after Norfolk decided to desegregate in the 1970s, re-desegregation reemerged in the 1980s. Because of these happenings, this paper argues that integration of public schools to accommodate both the black and white race failed. Apart from presenting a literature of the detailed history of desegregation in public schools in Virginia, and Norfolk in particular, it evaluates the key reasons for the failed integration. A common consensus shared by different articles is that the lack of goodwill and support from the politicians in Virginia led to failed integration. Other commentators note that the hostility against the African Americans by their white counterparts is to blame for the failed integration. The politicians only acted in support of the white races to win their support during national elections.

[1] Fella, Alexander. Segregation: A History of Norfolk Schools. Retrieved from: https://theurcnorfolk.com/norfolk-history-segregation-timeline

[2] Suh, Yonghee, Brian Daugherity, and Danielle Hartsfield. "Planning to teach difficult history through historical inquiry: The case of school desegregation." The Journal of Social Studies Research (2020).

[3] Taeuber, Karl E., and Alma F. Taeuber. Residential segregation and neighborhood change. Transaction Publishers, 2008.

[4] Stewart, Emily Marie. "Standardization, Segregation, and Professionalization in Virginia Public Schools, 1898-1917." PhD diss., Virginia Tech, 2020.

[5] Butchart, Ronald E. "Elusive equality: desegregation and resegregation in Norfolk’s public schools." (2014): 420-422.

[6] Gates, Robbins L. The making of massive resistance: Virginia's politics of public school desegregation, 1954-1956. Univ of North Carolina Press, 2014.

[7] Glass, Michael R. "From sword to shield to myth: facing the facts of de facto school segregation." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 6 (2018): 1197-1226.

[8] ibid

[9] Straus, Ryane McAuliffe, and Scott Lemieux. "The two Browns: Policy implementation and the retrenchment of Brown v. Board of Education." New Political Science 38, no. 1 (2016): 44-60.

[10] Ford, Chris, Stephenie Johnson, and Lisette Partelow. "The Racist Origins of Private School Vouchers." Center for American Progress (2017).

[11] Gates, Robbins L. The making of massive resistance: Virginia's politics of public school desegregation, 1954-1956. Univ of North Carolina Press, 2014.

[12] Littlejohn, Jeffrey L., and Charles H. Ford. "Booker T. Washington High School: History, Identity, and Educational Equity in Norfolk, Virginia." The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 124, no. 2 (2016): 134.

[13] Rothstein, Richard. The color of law: A forgotten history of how our government segregated America. Liveright Publishing, 2017.

[14] Bean, Emily Starr. "How Brown became color blind: school desegregation, resegregation, and educational reform." PhD diss., San Francisco State University, 2017.

[15] Kuehn, Daniel Peter. "Accommodation within the broad structure of voluntary society: Buchanan and Nutter on school segregation." Available at SSRN 3308162 (2018).

[16] Brunn-Bevel, Rachelle J., and W. Carson Byrd. "The foundation of racial disparities in the standardized testing era: The impact of school segregation and the assault on public education in Virginia." Humanity & Society 39, no. 4 (2015): 419-448.

[17] Foley, Cassidy. "School Segregation: A Modern Issue." (2018).

[18] Erickson, Ansley T. "Different Pieces of the Puzzle: Schools, Cities, and Desegregation." (2017): 528-536.

[19] Ringelstein, Kevin Lang. "Residential segregation in Norfolk, Virginia: How the federal government reinforced racial division in a southern city, 1914-1959." (2015).

[20] Wallenstein, Peter. "Brown v. Board of Education and Segregated Universities: From Kluger to Klarman--Toward Creating a Literature on Federal Courts and Undergraduate Admissions." Virginia Social Science Journal 50 (2015).

[21] Delmont, Matthew F. Why busing failed: Race, media, and the national resistance to school desegregation. Vol. 42. Univ of California Press, 2016.

[22] Wilcox, Clyde, JoVita Wells, Georges Haddad, and Judith K. Wilcox. "The changing democratic functions of historically Black colleges and universities." New Political Science 36, no. 4 (2014): 556-572.

[23] Lundeen, Elizabeth. "Brick and Mortar: Historically Black Colleges and the Struggle for Equality, 1930-1960." (2018).

[24] Vaughn, William Preston. Schools for All: The Blacks and Public Education in the South, 1865--1877. University Press of Kentucky, 2014.

[25] Milligan, Joy. "Subsidizing Segregation." Virginia Law Review 104, no. 5 (2018): 847-932.

[26] Siegel-Hawley, Genevieve, Kimberly Bridges, and Thomas J. Shields. "Solidifying segregation or promoting diversity? School closure and rezoning in an urban district." Educational Administration Quarterly 53, no. 1 (2017): 107-141.

[27] Neff, Monica, Laura Mode, Lisa Gibson, John C. Finn, and Ann E. Mazzocca. "Mapping Segregation: Civil Rights in the Landscape—A Divided Past Made Visible." The Geography Teacher 12, no. 4 (2015): 180-184.

[28] McKenzie, Sharlene Yvonne. "The Effect of Segregated Schools on African American Students at Dr. King Applied Magnet School in Syracuse, New York." PhD diss., UCLA, 2017.

[29] Kennedy, Brandy A., Adam M. Butz, Nazita Lajevardi, and Matthew J. Nanes. Race and representative bureaucracy in American policing. Springer International Publishing, 2017.

[30] Saporito, Salvatore, and David Van Riper. "Do irregularly shaped school attendance zones contribute to racial segregation or integration?" Social currents 3, no. 1 (2016): 64-83.

[31] Rosiek, Jerry, and Kathy Kinslow. Resegregation as curriculum: The meaning of the new racial segregation in US public schools. Routledge, 2015.