Question
Topic: TORTURE AND EXTRA JUDICIAL KILLING IN NIGERIA
An assessment of procedures and strategies for the international protection of human rights and promotion of sustainable human development .
Chapter 1(1000 words)
Introduction,historical background of Nigeria
why the human rights abuse.
Incidences of abuse
Chapter 2 (1000 words)
Treaties ratified,premptory norms , sources international law, customary international law,
What the international law & human rights say
Response to the violation
Chapter 3 (1500 words )
United nations treaty bodies
Charters
Special Rapporteur concluding and observation reports on Nigeria.
Chapter4 (1500 words)
Procedures and strategies and application of human rights.
Conclusions/Recommdations
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Subject | Law and governance | Pages | 23 | Style | APA |
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Answer
TORTURE AND EXTRA JUDICIAL KILLINGS IN NIGERIA
An assessment of procedures and strategies for the international protection of human rights and promotion of sustainable human development
Chapter 1
Introduction, historical background of Nigeria
Nigeria is a West African country that was a British colony from 1885, but gained independence from Britain in 1960 through a popular independence movement. However, Nigeria as a new republic did not get to enjoy democratic rule for long as there was a military coup in 1966 where the army seized power from the elected government. Since that first military coup in January 1966, Nigeria has suffered a succession of military rulers as each democratic and undemocratic government has been halted by a coup[1]. The succession of military leaders and dictators has led to entrenched corruption within the government as top government leaders amass substantial wealth from appropriating government resources during their time in power. Military rule in Nigeria ended in 1999 and the country has been under democratic rule ever since (Coleman, 2015). However, the pace of reforms in government has been slow and the country is still fighting militant group Boko Haram, which has greatly destabilized the country. The years of entrenched corruption and dictatorial rule have created the current Nigerian Police force, which perpetrates torture as an entrenched interrogation method.
Why the human rights abuse.
The Nigerian Police Force is responsible for perpetrating incidences of human rights abuse by using torture as a primary method of investigation as well as perpetrating other crimes on suspects and members of the public. The NPF regularly commits acts of rape against commercial sex workers as well female suspects while carrying out patrols or even at police stations when interviewing suspects[2]. The use of torture as an interrogation technique is mainly perpetrated by the police because they lack better methods of investigating crimes, which forces them to rely on the barbaric methods of torture as an effective interrogation technique. Although these human rights abuses are executed by junior officers, the officers do not act on their own accord; the junior officers are usually under the direction of senior officers who cover up the crimes after they have been committed (Dada Ojo, 2014).
There are many factors that have been cited as the reason for the human rights abuse in the NPF, which include:
The inability of the PSC to police the NPF
According to Nigerian law, the Police Service Commission is supposed to investigate and prosecute cases where police officers have been accused of violating the human rights of detainees as well as members of the public. However, the PSC has been complacent in its role of policing the NPF, which has led to majority of the incidences of police brutality as well as torture and other human rights violations not being investigated[3]. Other factors that hinder the prosecution of police officers that violate human rights include the fact that the investigation of police misconduct is usually conducted by other police officers. Victims of police brutality are usually intimidated by police officers when they try to report such incidences, where they are threatened with physical harm if they do not drop such charges (All Africa, 2014). To counter this process, the PSC should establish investigative processes that do not involve the police, which allow victims of police brutality to report such incidences anonymously.
The inability of the National Human Rights Commission to police the NPF
The National Human Rights Commission in Nigeria has failed to perform its oversight role over the NPF by investigating incidences of abuse reported by victims of police brutality. The NHRC has failed in its roles as it does not have any real power over the police officers who routinely threaten and withhold information from its officers. The NHRC is usually denied access to police files and other materials that could provide evidence of police brutality on civilians and detainees. The lack of access and any real power to prosecute errant police officers has reduced the NHRC to a watchdog organization that has no real power to stop the police brutality, torture and execution of suspects at police stations[4]. Most of the incidences of torture and police brutality are conducted at police stations, while officers from the NHRC are usually denied access to the areas where detainees claim to have been tortured.
Lack of autonomy of the NPF
The NPF is affected by constant political intervention from powerful individuals within the government who have tampered with the recruitment of officers and other internal disciplinary measures and have contributed greatly to the rampant corruption within the force. The political interference within the NPF has contributed significantly to the lack of discipline within the force as officers cannot be punished because they have political godfathers. The interference with the police recruitment exercises had led to the recruitment of unqualified personnel within the force, which has contributed significantly to the lack of professionalism among the officers (Agbiboa, 2015). To create an efficient police force, the political interference within the force should stop in order to ensure that errant police officers are punished and that the NPF remains professional.
Incidences of abuse
some of the incidences of abuse reported against the police include claims by detainees of being tortured in an interrogation room by police officers until they confessed to crimes they did not commit. Prostitutes on city streets have frequently reported incidences of rape by police officers on patrol, while most police officers engaging in the act refer to the rape as a fringe benefit of patrolling some streets. The inhuman acts perpetrated against detainees involve severe beatings while stripped naked by police officers, attacks using machetes and gun butts to force confessions out of suspects [5]. Female suspects in police custody have also reported numerous incidences of rape by police officers while in custody as well. Female suspects are also beaten and threatened that they would be hosted in the same rooms as male suspects if they do not comply with the demands made by officers. Favorable treatment is given to female suspects who fulfill the wishes of police officers without causing problems.
Chapter 2
Treaties ratified, preemptory norms, sources international law, customary international law,
Nigeria ratified the international covenant on civil and political rights (ICCPR) in 1993 as well as the convention against torture in 2001 and the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture in 2009. Nigeria is also a signatory to the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights, which prohibits the use of torture or other degrading methods to coerce people in the custody of law enforcement agencies[6]. According to international law, torturing a person is a violation of that person’s human rights as enshrined in article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights passed by the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948. The declaration was enacted in the aftermath of world war two when world leaders decided that the torture perpetrated by nations on both sides of the conflict were unacceptable and should not be allowed to happen again. After the passing of the declaration, many other treaties were created to enforce the declaration in order to prevent the spread and use of torture as a form of punishment or a method of interrogation across the globe. Articles 3 and 31 of the Geneva Conventions prohibit the infliction of torture and other degrading forms of treatment on persons as well as the use of torture to obtain information from suspects.
International humanitarian law
The underlying principle of international humanitarian law is to protect human life in all forms, which includes the rights of detainees, prisoners and civilians. This fundamental principle is what led to the Universal declaration of human rights by the UN General Assembly to protect the lives of civilians, detainees and combatants from being tortured or subjected to degrading treatment by other parties[7]. Treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the convention against torture have been ratified by majority of the countries in the world in order to protect human rights. Countries such as the United States have ratified the two treaties, yet the same countries have been constantly accused of perpetrating torture against detainees suspected of being terror suspects or enemy combatants. The US has been a subject of controversy given the numerous accusations of human rights abuses conducted against detainees at prisons such as Guantanamo Bay, where detainees can be held for years without trial. Countries such as China and the Russian Federation have also been accused of similar offences (Orole, Gadar and Hunter, 2014). Although most of these countries deny the allegations of human rights violations, their governments claim that torture enables them to get crucial intelligence from detainees and suspects. Therefore, the fight to end human rights violations is a global fight even in the developed world.
What the international law and human rights say
Reports by human rights organizations and other stakeholders claim that the practice of torture and human rights violations by law enforcement officers in Nigeria is still rampant and that the government should do more in order to stop the culture of torture in Nigeria. Human rights organizations highlight the lack of a proper accountability structures within the Nigerian police force as the main reason for the continued prevalence of torture within police departments. According to international law governments of countries that have signed treaties against torture and human rights violations should ensure that such treaties are implemented within the governance structures in the country[8]. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the Nigerian government to ensure that the law enforcement agencies stop torturing detainees for confessions choosing instead to use the right methods to gather evidence on various crimes. Human rights groups in Nigeria attribute the widespread use of torture as an interrogation method to the fact that most law enforcement officers are not trained adequately in the science of interrogation and gathering evidence. Therefore it is advisable that the training process for police officers be revised to include extensive training on gathering evidence using legal methods.
Response to the violation
The federal government of Nigeria created the National Committee on Torture to manage the nationwide response to the prevention and elimination of torture among law enforcement officers in Nigeria. However, the committee is handicapped because it cannot receive direct testimony or accusations of torture from individuals as such actions are not stipulated within its mandate. The committees mandate entails visiting place where people are detained, which includes prisons and police stations among other detention centers. The committee is allowed to receive complaints of torture at the detention centers as well as to review how detainees are treated and to recommend measures that can be taken to prevent torture at detention centers. The committee is also required to propose a primary ant-torture document that can be used as the basis for further legislative action. However, despite all the measures taken by the Nigerian government to address the issue of torture by law enforcement officers, reports by the UN and other human rights organizations indicate that torture is still prevalent among police officers[9]. The most affected units are the criminal investigation departments, which use torture to coerce suspects into confessing, while the correctional facilities use torture to keep prisoners in line.
The appropriate response to the issue of the violation of human rights by Nigerian law enforcement personnel should be to arrest and charge the guilt officers who should then face the full force of the law. This means that the committee against torture should be given adequate powers to prosecute police officers who torture detainees and should have the full support of the government in getting justice for victims of torture (Obaro, 2014). It is evident that the public meetings conducted by the committee against torture are not enough to fight the entrenched culture of torture within the NPF and that the committee should be given full prosecutorial powers over the NPF[10]. Such measures would ensure that errant officers face the full force of the law in order to create change in the NPF.
Chapter 3
United Nations treaty bodies
The National Human Rights Commission is a body created to implement the rights outlined in the International declaration of human rights passed by the UN General Assembly resolution. Other treaty bodies include the National Committee on Torture, which is a local body established under the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture (OPCAT), which Nigeria signed in 2009[11]. These two bodies are charged with ensuring that human rights in Nigeria are respected and that detainees are not tortured during their incarceration or treated in degrading ways by law enforcement officers. The role of the National Committee on Torture is to create a national framework for dialogue on torture in order to develop a national policy on torture that can act as a guide to the implementation of legislature on torture by the legislative branch of government. Legislature on torture would make it easier for the government to prosecute officers suspected of perpetrating torture against detainees in government facilities. A national framework on dialogue as evidenced by the tribunal hearings on torture would expose the torture perpetrated by police officers, which would expose the issued to public discussion. Such exposure would break the secrecy surrounding police torture and would encourage more victims of torture to report incidences of abuse at the hands of police officers. Such measures would create a positive environment for the implementation of police reforms aimed at eliminating the practice of torture as an entrenched tradition within the Nigerian Police force[12].
Furthermore, the National Human Rights Commission should embrace its role of policing the NPF by visiting detention centers and reporting the condition in such centers to the authorities. Given the expanded powers of the NHRC, the body should be able to file charges against police officers in the courts in order to secure justice for victims of police brutality and degrading treatment (Araromi and Oke, 2013). The mandate of the NHRC is to investigate all reported and unreported incidences of police brutality or torture and to take appropriate action on officers found guilty of human rights violations. The NHRC has faced numerous challenges in the execution of its mandate, which is mostly triggered by the lack of cooperation from top police officials who do everything in their power to destroy evidence of torture at detention centers in order to frustrate the NHRC[13]. Furthermore, officers from the NHRC are routinely denied access to detention centers reported to have acted as torture locations. With proper access to detention centers and witness testimonies, the NHRC would be able to file cases against police officers involved in torture, which would bring justice to victims of police brutality and torture. Therefore, the NHRC should be protected and empowered by other state organs in order to fight the culture of torture within the police force.
Charters
Nigeria is a signatory to most of the international charters that protect human rights and criminalize the violation of the rights of prisoners and detainees under all circumstances. Therefore, the country has the support of the international community as it tries to implement reforms that would transform the NPF into a modern professional force that protects the rights of all Nigerians in accordance with domestic and international law. The United Nations has played an important role in upholding the value of human rights globally and continues to play the same role within Nigeria.
Special Rapporteur concluding and observation reports on Nigeria
The report by the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture (SRT) in 2007 arrived at the conclusion that the NPF used torture extensively in the interrogation process in order to obtain confessions from suspects or detainees. The report revealed that the use of torture was considered an essential part of police operations as it was the most effective tool in terms of allowing the police to close cases based on confessions by the suspects[14]. The report narrated gruesome details of police torture where suspects would be taken to an interrogation room tied up in chains and beaten with metal objects until they confessed to crimes they did not commit. The report revealed that most police stations had a torture specialist who was the best at coercing confessions out of suspects and who was responsible for training new officers on the art of torturing suspects[15]. Stories of torture by the police narrated by past victims indicate that suspects were subjected to all forms of degrading treatment at the hands of criminal investigation officers who were keen on getting confessions out of the suspects. The report included details of the rampant intimidation of suspects and their families as well as civilians who threatened to report the incidences of torture perpetrated by the police against detainees.
Death during torture and detention conditions
The extent of the torture perpetrated by police officers went to levels that would not be expected of a police force as many of the interrogations where suspects refused to confess to the crimes they were being accused of ended up in the suspect dying. There are numerous public reports of police officers arriving in trucks at secret locations to dump the bodies of unknown detainees who died during interrogations. There are claims of mass graves hidden by the police where they dump the bodies of suspects killed during interrogations. The report also uncovered the fact that detainees are held for long periods of time without trial due to lack of evidence and the conditions of their incarceration were highly degrading. The report further stated that the conditions in most detention centers were not fit for human occupation, yet detainees were housed under such conditions throughout the period of their arrest. The detention centers were highly overcrowded with cells holding more than the recommended number of detainees under domestic and international law. The living conditions in the detention centers were degrading to human existence, which exposed the detainees to a variety of risks associated with crowding including the outbreaks of communicable diseases such as cholera[16]. The lack of hygiene in the living quarters of most detention centers also encouraged the existence of parasites and rodents making the detainees quite uncomfortable in their environment.
The impact of government efforts
According to the UN report the government’s efforts to end the practice of torture within law enforcement agencies and at detention centers have borne little results as torture continues to be the main method used by police officers to interrogate suspects. Government efforts intended to ease the congestion of detainees in prisons and other detention centers have also yielded little results. The government’s attempt at stopping the practice of torture by law enforcement officers is hindered by factors such as the widespread corruption within the force and the lack of cooperation by senior police officers on the reform agenda[17]. The corruption within the police force allows officers who torture detainees to continue doing it as they are protected by the senior police officers who are aware of the practice, but condone it in order to get confessions used to prosecute suspects. The government efforts are also hindered by the fact that torture as an interrogation method has been used by the NPF for years and police officers are reluctant to try new methods of interrogation as they consider torture to be an effective method of interrogation. Government efforts to decongest prisons and other detention centers are not working because most detainees’ are held for long periods of time without being charged as the police struggle to torture confessions out of the detainees. In some cases, the detainees are held in prisons for long periods until they die before facing charges, which demonstrates the inefficiency of the Nigerian judicial system.
A working solution
To find a lasting solution to the entrenched torture mechanisms within the NPF, the government should change its approach to the entire problem and implement different measures that would work to resolve the root cause of the issue. A crucial measure that should be implemented by the Nigerian government is by educating law enforcement personnel on the importance of human rights and the fact that even detainees have human rights that should be respected. The civic education program should be headed by the Police Service Commission and the senior police officers in order to change the belief held by police that detainees should be treated as lesser human beings (Emmons, 2011). By educating the police on the importance of respecting the rights of detainees and the exact nature of detainee rights, police officers will understand why torture is considered inhuman and illegal at the domestic and international level[18]. The police training curriculum should also be revised to include further training on collection of evidence to support police cases as opposed to the use of torture on suspects to obtain forced confessions. The police curriculum should cover all methods of gathering forensic evidence that is admissible in a court of law and can be used to prove whether suspects are guilty of the crimes that they are charged with[19]. These methods should be adequate for law enforcement officers to abandon torture as an interrogation technique and to get faster convictions.
Chapter 4
Procedures and strategies for the application of human rights
The effective implementation of human rights in a country starts with the government’s full support of measures implemented by the bodies tasked with ensuring that law enforcement authorities do not violate human rights in the performance of their duties. Although most security agencies understand that their role is to protect the public and the country from local and foreign security threats, they may not understand how to perform their duty while upholding human rights. It is the duty of the bodies discussed above to educate the law enforcement officers on the importance of respecting the rights of detainees as they carry out interrogations and how to use different interrogation methods to get proof of crimes committed by suspects[20]. The above bodies should also be vigilant in the exercise of their mandate to prevent extra judicial killings by the police and other law enforcement officers. The incidences of extrajudicial killing have been widely reported throughout Nigeria where civilians in specific areas report regular citing of police officers dumping the bodies of suspects who died in custody. Most of the extrajudicial killings are perpetrated in conflict prone areas, which in many cases are areas where Muslim and Christian factions are fighting, or areas where rebels are fighting to gain control of resources. Police have also been reported to shoot suspects on sight in public places within the conflict prone areas[21]. Therefore, the role of conflict on the practice of torture and extra judicial killings cannot be ignored.
Dealing with the police misconduct and conflict
Uprooting the culture of police torture and extra judicial killings requires a comprehensive solution that entails attacking the problem from different angles in order to obtain unique solutions and weaken a culture that has grown over many years. The disciplinary methods suggested above, which include empowering oversight authorities such as the National Human Rights Commission and the Committee on torture to take action against errant police officers treat the symptoms, but not the real problem[22]. A softer approach to the problem is the constant education of police officers on the importance of human rights as they dispatch off their daily duties. A training program should be designed from the recruitment of police officers to their workstations at police installations where they are constantly reminded of the value of preserving human life at all costs. Enlisting the support of a few police officers or bringing in intern lawyers who can emphasize the seriousness of the matter as well as taking action against officers who violate human rights attacks the problem from different angles and is likely to resolve the problem (Ojo, 2014).
Dealing with police impunity
A significant obstacle to the implementation police reforms is the constant interference by top police officers who are determined to maintain the status quo at all costs. The officers who are also executives within the police force know that if the police reforms are fully implemented, they would lose their network of corrupt junior officers, hence, they do all they can to undermine police reforms. The government should apply a firm hand while dealing with corruption at the highest level of the police service by appointing a powerful Inspector General of Police who shall be in charge of the entire police force[23]. The IG shall have the power to take disciplinary action against corrupt top officers in the force with the help of an independent tribunal composed of professionals with high levels of integrity and are dedicated to serving the country. Such a tribunal and the IG would be immune from political interference based on the tenure of their office and the power of their mandate (Dambazau, 2014). Once the IG is appointed and the tribunal has been created, a national vetting of all top-ranking police officers should be conducted to determine whether such officers are fit for office. Officers that are found guilty of corruption in the past would be removed from office and charged in a court of law or before a special tribunal. Such drastic measures would ensure that the reforms being implemented in the police force have a chance of succeeding.
Crimes against humanity
Law enforcement officers found guilty of extra judicial killings should face charges of crimes against humanity because of the grave nature of their crimes. Extra judicial killings are crimes whose punishment should be equivalent to the punishment for murder under international humanitarian law. The International Criminal Court has tried many warlords and dictators for crimes against humanity because of the atrocities they committed by murdering innocent civilians and their opponents. I believe that Nigeria should follow the precedent set by the ICC and prosecute officers found guilty of extrajudicial killings with crimes against humanity with a maximum sentence of life imprisonment or the death penalty[24]. Such stringent penalties and the measures taken to prosecute law enforcement personnel suspected of extrajudicial killings should be adequate to deter any future extrajudicial killings. I believe that a soft approach towards extrajudicial killings would not work as it is the utmost crime to take the life of another human being and that capital punishment is fit for such offenders. The charges for crimes against humanity should be heard by the highest courts in Nigeria such as the Supreme Court, or by a special tribunal with the power to impose the maximum sentence including the death sentence[25]. The severity of the punishment is based on the fact that extrajudicial killings dehumanize human beings and are acts of cruelty, which should be dealt with severely.
Conclusions/Recommendations
In conclusion, it is clear that Nigeria’s history of military rule has contributed significantly to the current culture within the NPF where officers disregard the rights of detainees as they use torture to force suspects to confess to crimes they might not have committed. The culture of rampant extrajudicial killings by police officers is evidence of the massive disregard of human rights and the value of human life by police officers (Onoja, 2013). The entrenched culture of impunity among top officers is also to blame for the culture of human rights violations that plagues Nigeria’s police force. Throughout the article various solutions have been proposed to curb the rampant violation of human rights by law enforcement officers as outlined below.
Recommendations
Firstly, it is recommended that the NPF be placed under the command of an Inspector General of Police who shall be responsible for the actions of all police officers. The IG shall be charged with maintain discipline within the force as well as ensuring that police officers uphold human rights in their daily activities[26]. The IG shall also be responsible for identifying and disciplining top police officers who promote impunity among police officers with the help of a special tribunal.
It has also been recommended that the police training curriculum be revised to include extensive coverage of the rights of detainees as well as the upholding of human rights among civilians. The revised curriculum should also be extended to current officers who shall be trained at their duty stations on the importance of upholding the rights of detainees and the consequences of violating such rights.
The National Human Rights Commission and the Committee Against Torture should also be empowered to carry out their mandate with the full support of the government through the judicial system in order to prosecute officers who violate human rights[27]. Officers who undermine the role of the two bodies by withholding evidence and denying officers from the two bodies access to detention centers should be prosecuted and face the full wrath of the law.
The maximum sentence including the capital punishment of death should be applicable to officers who are found guilty of extrajudicial killings, which are considered crimes against humanity, by the judicial system. Such officers should serve as an example to others of the fatal consequences of extrajudicial killings.
The NHRC, the CAT and the PSC should create public channels of communication that do not involve the police, which can be used by victims of police torture or the families of victims of extrajudicial killings to report such incidences. These lines of communication should be monitored to ensure that the police do not interfere or intimidate victims who want to report such crimes[28].
It is vital that the above committees continue to hold public hearings and conducting public education on the impact of police torture and extrajudicial killings including ways of stopping the vice by reporting such incidences to the committee. A strong and credible reporting system should be instituted to ensure the integrity of the entire process and the effectiveness of the interventions recommended in reforming the NPF.
The essay demonstrates that Nigeria has a long journey in order to reach the point where the police respect and uphold human rights and that the right commitment from the government will ensure the success of the interventions.
[1] Coleman, D. Y., 2015. Nigeria: 2015 Country Review. Nigeria Country Review, 1-323.
[2] Dambazau, A., 2014. Nigeria and Her Security Challenges. Harvard International Review, 35(4), 65-70.
[3] Araromi, M. A., and Oke, A., 2013. Breach of Human Rights by Nigerian Police in the Performance of Its Functions: Need for a Reform [article]. US-China Law Review, (5), 466-493.
[4] Obaro, O. A., 2014. The Nigeria police force and the crisis of legitimacy: re-defining the structure and function of the Nigeria police. European Scientific Journal, 421-436.
[5] Onoja, E. O., 2013. The Relationship between the Constitutional Right to Silence and Confessions in Nigeria. African Journal Of Legal Studies, 6(2/3), 189-211.
[6] Human Rights Watch World Report(s) 2010 & 2011: World Chapter on Nigeria.
[7] UN General Assembly Resolution: National institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights:A/RES/48/134.
[8] Amnesty International Report 2010: The State of the World’s Human Rights.
[9] Human Rights Watch: Criminal Politics: Violence, Godfathers and Corruption in Nigeria.
[10] Amnesty International Report 2010: The State of the World’s Human Rights.
[11] Adopted by the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, U.N. Doc. A/CONF.144/28/Rev.1 at 112 (1990).
[12] Human Rights Watch World Report(s) 2010 & 2011: World Chapter on Nigeria.
[13] Human Rights Watch: Criminal Politics: Violence, Godfathers and Corruption in Nigeria.
[14] Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture 2007 (UNSRT), A/HRC/7/3/Add.4, 22 November 2007.
[15] Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture 2007 (UNSRT), A/HRC/7/3/Add.4, 22 November 2007.
[16] Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture 2007 (UNSRT), A/HRC/7/3/Add.4, 22 November 2007.
[17] Ademola Adegbamigbe, “Impotent Force: Here Are the Reasons the Nigeria Police is Helpless in the Face of Rising Crimes,” The News, February 4, 2008, p. 28.
[18] Ojo, M. D., 2014. Nigeria Police and the Search for Integrity in the Midst of Diverse Challenges: An Effective Police Management Approach, The [comments]. International Journal Of Police Science & Management, (2), 87-100.
[19] Obaro, O. A., 2014. The Nigeria police force and the crisis of legitimacy: re-defining the structure and function of the Nigeria police. European Scientific Journal, 421-436.
[20] Federal Republic of Nigeria, Government White Paper on the Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, p. 39 (August 2006).
[21] Dambazau, A., 2014. Nigeria and Her Security Challenges. Harvard International Review, 35(4), 65-70.
[22] Araromi, M. A., and Oke, A., 2013. Breach of Human Rights by Nigerian Police in the Performance of Its Functions: Need for a Reform [article]. US-China Law Review, (5), 466-493.
[23] Federal Republic of Nigeria, Government White Paper on the Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, p. 39 (August 2006).
[24] Emmons, B., 2011. Tortured Language: 'Individuals,' Corporate Liability, and the Torture Victim Protection Act. Minnesota Law Review, 96 675.
[25] Emmons, B., 2011. Tortured Language: 'Individuals,' Corporate Liability, and the Torture Victim Protection Act. Minnesota Law Review, 96 675.
[26] Main Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, Vol. II (2006), p. 102.
[27] Federal Republic of Nigeria, Government White Paper on the Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, p. 39 (August 2006).
[28] Main Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, Vol. II (2006), p. 102.
References
Ademola Adegbamigbe, “Impotent Force: Here Are the Reasons the Nigeria Police is Helpless in the Face of Rising Crimes,” The News, February 4, 2008, p. 28. Adopted at Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, U.N. Doc. A/CONF.144/28/Rev.1 at 118 (1990). Adopted by the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, U.N. Doc. A/CONF.144/28/Rev.1 at 112 (1990). Agbiboa, D. E., 2015. Protectors or Predators? The Embedded Problem of Police Corruption and Deviance in Nigeria. Administration & Society, 47(3), 244-281. Amnesty International Report 2010: The State of the World’s Human Rights. Annual Reports of the Committee against Torture: 2009 -2010. Araromi, M. A., and Oke, A., 2013. Breach of Human Rights by Nigerian Police in the Performance of Its Functions: Need for a Reform [article]. US-China Law Review, (5), 466-493. Coleman, D. Y., 2015. Nigeria: 2015 Country Review. Nigeria Country Review, 1-323. Dada Ojo, M. O., 2014. The Nigeria police and the search for integrity in the midst of diverse challenges: an effective police management approach. International Journal Of Police Science & Management, 16(2), 87-100. Dambazau, A., 2014. Nigeria and Her Security Challenges. Harvard International Review, 35(4), 65-70. Emmons, B., 2011. Tortured Language: 'Individuals,' Corporate Liability, and the Torture Victim Protection Act. Minnesota Law Review, 96 675. Federal Republic of Nigeria, Government White Paper on the Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, p. 39 (August 2006). Human Rights Watch World Report(s) 2010 & 2011: World Chapter on Nigeria. Human Rights Watch: Criminal Politics: Violence, Godfathers and Corruption in Nigeria. Main Report of the Presidential Committee on Police Reform, Vol. II (2006), p. 102. Obaro, O. A., 2014. The Nigeria police force and the crisis of legitimacy: re-defining the structure and function of the Nigeria police. European Scientific Journal, 421-436. Ojo, M. D., 2014. Nigeria Police and the Search for Integrity in the Midst of Diverse Challenges: An Effective Police Management Approach, The [comments]. International Journal Of Police Science & Management, (2), 87-100. Onoja, E. O., 2013. The Relationship between the Constitutional Right to Silence and Confessions in Nigeria. African Journal Of Legal Studies, 6(2/3), 189-211. Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture 2007 (UNSRT), A/HRC/7/3/Add.4, 22 November 2007. UN General Assembly Resolution: National institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights:A/RES/48/134.
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